LECTURES 


GEORGE    THOMPSON, 


WITH  A  FULL  REPORT  OF  THE  DISCUSSION  BETWEEN  MR.  THOMPSON 
AND  MR.  BORTHWICK,  THE    PRO-SLAVERV  AGENT,  HELD  AT 
THE    ROYAL    AMPHITHEATRE,  LIVERPOOL,    (ENG.)     AND 
WHICH   CONTINUED    FOR    SIX    EVENINGS  WITH  UN 
ABATED  INTEREST  :  COMPILED  FROM  VARIOUS 
ENGLISH   EDITIONS. ALSO,  A   BRIEF 

H  I  S  T  O  R  Y   -Q  F     H  I  S     G  Q  N  N  E  C  T  I  O  N 


WfTH 


ANTI-SLAVERY    CAUSE 


N     ENGLAND, 


BY  WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON. 


BOSTON: 
PUBLIHSED  BY  ISAAC  KNAPP. 

183G. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1836,  by 

ISAAC  KNAPP, 
In  the  Clerk's  office  of  the  District  Court  of  Massachusetts. 


PRINTED  BY  ISAAC  KNAPP. 


MR.  THOMPSON  IN  ENGLAND. 


IN  the  spring  of  1833,  I  was  sent  to  England  as  the 
representative  of  the  New  England  Anti-Slavery  Socie 
ty,  to  undeceive  the  philanthropists  of  that  country,  (who 
had  been  misled  by  Elliot  Cresson,)  in  relation  to  the 
character  and  designs  of  the  American  Colonization 
Society,  and  to  enlist  their  moral  energies  for  the  ex 
tinction  of  American  slavery.  Convicted  of  double- 
dealing,  cowardice,  and  imposture,  Mr.  Cresson  soon 
afterward  left  England  in  disgrace,  and  returned  to 
a  country,  whose  prejudices  and  oppressions  enable 
him  to  pursue  his  mischievous  work  with  more  facility 
and  success.  Most  happily  for  my  mission,  I  found  on 
my  arrival  in  London,  a  large  body  of  anti-slavery  dele 
gates,  the  elite  of  the  cause,  assembled  from  various 
parts  of  the  kingdom,  to  watch  the  progress  of  the 
Emancipation  Bill  through  Parliament.  A  majority  of 
this  body  were  highly  influential  members  of  the  Socie 
ty  of  Friends — among  whom  it  will  suffice  to  name 
Josiah  Forster,  William  Allen,  Robert  Forster,  James 
Cropper,  Joseph  John  Gurney,  William  Forster,  Rich 
ard  Barrett,  Richard  Ball,  Emanuel  Cooper.  Joseph 
Cooper,  Joseph  Sturge,  Joseph  Eaton,  and  Arthur 
West,  as  specimens  of  the  elevated  character  of  the 
whole  body  of  delegates.  Associated  with  these  dis- 


IV  MR.    THOMPSON 

tinguishett  pljTilantbtOjfi^tsfaiJd  pure  minded  Christians, 
was,  QEPRG^  THOMPSON,  esteemed  and  beloved  by 
them,  Efllj.ttnft  ;t£king;a;  conspicuous  part  in  their  deliber 
ations  and  discussions— the  champion  of  liberty,  who, 
in  this  country,  has  been  branded  as  '  a  miserable  crea 
ture,'  '  a  scoundrel/  '  an  incendiary,'  '  a  cut-throat,'  c  a 
foreign  emissary,'  and  '  a  fugitive  from  justice  ' !  The 
acme  of  calumny  was  attained  when  it  was  said  of 
the  immaculate  Redeemer,  that  he  was  l  a  wine  bib 
ber  and  a  glutton,"  and  that  '  he  had  a  devil : '  all  sur 
prise  may  cease,  therefore,  at  the  defamation  of  others, 
however  virtuous  and  upright.  It  was  in  London  that 
MR.  THOMPSON  was  thus  honorably  associated,  thus 
highly  esteemed,  and  thus  signally  popular — the  very 
city  from  which,  it  is  said,  by  the  unutterably  base 
journalists  of  this  country,  he  fled  in  disgrace  to  these 
shores  !  Although  the  pro-slavery  party  were  as  hos 
tile  as  selfishness,  prejudice  and  hatred  could  make 
them  to  the  cause  and  the  friends  of  emancipation, 
and  although  they  particularly  dreaded  the  unrivalled 
abilities,  irresistible  eloquence,  and  unexampled  success 
of  MR.  THOMPSON  as  a  public  lecturer,  yet  not  a  whis 
per  was  heard  against  his  reputation,  not  the  least  stain 
was  thrown  upon  the  resplendent  brightness  of  his 
career.  No :  calumny  was  dumb,  effrontery  stood 
abashed,  and  malice  was  powerless.  It  was  left  for  the 
\  human  hyenas  and  jackalls  of  America,  who  delight  to 
j  listen  to  negro  groans,  to  revel  in  negro  blood,  and  to 
batten  upon  negro  flesh,  to  rend  a  character  as  fair  as 
uprightness,  and  as  lovely  as  benevolence  itself.  They 
vainly  supposed,  that  the  billows  of  the  Atlantic  would 
hide  their  malice  from  detection,  and  that  distance 


IN    ENGLAND.  V 

would  allow  them  to  be  ferocious  with  impunity.  The 
folly  of  their  conduct  was  as  great  as  its  enormity.  It 
was  perpetrated,  too,  for  a  diabolical  purpose — to 
perpetuate  the  worse  than  Egyptian  thraldom  of  more 
than  two  millions  of  their  own  countrymen,  who  are  by 
law  and  usuage  transformed,  with  their  offspring,  from 
rational,  accountable,  immortal  beings,  into  goods  and 
chattels,  and  implements  of  husbandry  ! 

MR.  THOMPSON  had  just  returned  from  a  tour  through 
the  kingdom,  which  was  followed  by  the  most  brilliant 
results  in  favor  of  the  immediate  abolition  of  colonial 
slavery.  His  lectures  had  been  every  where  thronged 
to  overflowing,  and  the  enthusiam  of  his  audiences  was 
boundless.  The  West  India  party  had  sent  into  the 
field  against  MR.  THOMPSON,  a  person  by  the  name  of 
PETER  BORTHWICK,  well  skilled  in  artificial  oratory, 
fluent  in  debate,  stoically  self-possessed,  of  considerable 
tact  and  ingenuity,  with  a  face  of  bronze,  and  a  heart  of 
stone,  and  a  faithful  copyist  of  him  '  who  was  a  liar  from 
the  beginning.'  The  combatants  met  repeatedly,  for 
public  disputation,  in  Liverpool,  Manchester,  Glasgow, 
Edinburgh,  and  other  places.  The  interest  that  was 
excited  in  these  discussions  arose  to  a  high  degree  of 
intensity,  but  the  victory  was  never  for  a  single  moment 
dubious.  BORTHWICK  was  met  and  foiled  at  every 
point,  with  amazing  celerity  and  overwhelming  effect ; 
and  in  a  short  time  he  as  studiously  shunned,  as  he  had 
sought,  a  contest  with  his  superior  opponent.  Yet  the 
former  was  no  mean  antagonist,  either  in  adroitness 
or  ability. 

MR.  BORTHWICK  had  confidently  declared,  that  he 
would  follow  MR.  THOMPSON  from  city,  to  city,  from 


VI  MR.    THOMPSON 

village  to  village,  and  from  one  end  of  the  kingdom  to 
the  other;  but  he  relied  too  much  upon  simple  lying 
and  gross  fiction,*  and  was  comparatively  ignorant  oi 


*  The  following  anecdote,  related  to  me  by  a  friend  in  London,  who 
ivas  an  eye-witness  of  the  scene,  is  given  as  a  specimen  of  BORTH  WICK'S 
effrontery.  One  evening,  he  was  holding  forth  upon  colonial  slavery  to 
a  large  audience  in  Edinburgh  or  Glasgow,  wholly  unaware  of  the  pres 
ence  of  MR.  THOMPSON,  who  sat  taking  notes  in  a  remote  corner  of  the 
hall.  In  the  Course  of  bis  lecture,  he  boldly  asserted,  that,  by  a  law  of 
Jamaica,  if  a  slave  should  testify  that  his  master  had  maltreated  him,  his 
naked  declaration  would  suffice  to  cause  the  master  to  be  heavily  fined, 
although  the  accusation  should  be  groundless  !  To  confirm  his  statement, 
he  said  he  held  the  law  in  his  hand,  which  he  would  read  to  the 
assembly,  if  any  one  present  should  call  for  it.  He  then  paused,  as  if  to 
aflbrd  an  opportunity  for  the  request  to  be  made,  and  was  about  to  pro 
ceed,  when  MR.  THOMPSON  audibly  said,  'Read  the  law!'  Though 
taken  by  surprise,  BORTHWICK  immediately  recognised  his  opponent,  and 
coolly  replied  :  '  The  honorable  gentleman  cries — Read  the  law  !  Does  he 
rioubt  my  readiness  to  read  hi  1  will  read  it,  if  he  should  again  urge  his 
request:  if  not,  I  will  proceed  with  my  lecture.'  Again  MR.  THOMPSON 
responded  more  emphatically,  'READ  THE  LAW!  '  The  audience  now  be 
came  considerably  agitated.  BORTHWICK  himself  was  dashed,  (for  lie 
had  no  law  to  read,)  and  turning  to  MR.  THOMPSON  imploringly  said,  'I 
aopeal  to  the  honorable  gentleman,  whether  it  is  fair  to  interrupt  the  lec 
ture,  and  to  agitate  this  meeting,  by  pertinaciously  insisting  upon  the  read- 
in"  of  the  law.  Have  I  not  declared  that  I  hold  the  law  in  my  handl 
Have  I  not  referred  distinctly  to  its  provisions'?  I  pledge  my  word  that  it 
shall  be  given  to  the  public.  Ought  not  this  to  satisfy  the  gentlemanl  I 
throw  myself  upon  his  courtesy  and  kindness:  will  he  allow  me  to  proceed 
without  further  interruption  1 '  Once  more,  in  a  clear  tone,  Mu.  THOMP 
SON  responded,  «  READ  THE  LAW! '  The  pro-slavery  portion  of  the 
audience,  seeing  the  terrible  dilemma  into  which  their  champion  was 
brought,  and  true  to  their  character  all  over  the  world,  now  raved  and 
stormed  at  Mr.  T.,  and  vehemently  cried  out,  '  Down,  sir!  down,  sir!  Out 
with  him!  out  with  him!  '  The  chairman,  too,  was  rampant  with  vexa 
tion,  and  ordered  Mr.  T.  to  be  silent,  or  he  would  call  for  the  police  offi 
cers  to  take  him  out  of  the  house — BORTHWICK,  all  the  while,  looking  un 
utterable  things.  During  this  extraordinary  hubbub,  MR.  THOMPSON 
stood  with  much  calmness  and  dignity,  and  turning  to  those  around  him, 
said  determinately, f  Turn  him  out  !  Who  will  turn  me  out?  Will  you, 


IN    ENGLAND.  VII 

the  intellectual  and  moral  strength  of  his  formidable 
opponent.  On  his  part,  the  aspect  of  the  conflict  was  soon 
changed  from  offensive  to  defensive.  The  last  attempt  on 
the  part  of  MR.  THOMPSON,  to  confront  MR.  BORTH- 
WICK  before  a  public  audience,  was  made  while  I  was 
in  England.  The  cities  of  Bath  and  Bristol  were  the 
strong  holds  of  the  pro-slavery  party,  and  they  contribu 
ted  liberally  to  the  support  of  MR.  BORTHWICK.  A 
splendid  service  of  plate  had  just  been  presented  to  him 


sir?  or  you,  sir?  or  you,  sir!'  Then  as  they  recoiled,  addressing  himself 
to  the  chairman,  he  continued — '  It  looks  well  in  you,  sir,  to  talk  of  forc 
ing  me  from  this  hall!  Have  you  so  soon  forgotten  that  to  me  you  are  in 
debted  for  having  been  saved  from  a  violent  expulsion,  a  few  evenings  since, 
in  this  city,  for  your  turbulent  conduct,  at  one  of  my  lectures!  When  some 
of  my  auditors  exclaimed, '  Turn  him  out!'  I  said,  «  No — let  him  remain  ; 
nay,  let  him  be  heard.  If  he  is  thrust  out,  /shall  also  leave.'  And  now,  sir, 
regardless  of  this  timely  interference  in  your  behalf,  you  threaten  to  expel 
me  from  this  assembly  !  And  why!  Have  I  behaved  disorderly!  No. 
Have  I  taken  a  liberty  that  was  not  proffered  1  No.  MR.  BORTHWICK 
said  that  his  statement  concerning  certain  features  of  West  India  slavery 
was  derived  from  a  law  that  he  held  in  his  hand,  which,  if  any  were  skep 
tical,  he  would  read.  Confident  there  was  no  such  law  in  existence,  I  re 
peatedly  requested  him  to  read  the  law.  This  is  the  head  and  front  of  my 
offending.  If  he  had  fulfilled  his  promise,  there  would  have  been  no  dis 
turbance.  If  he  has  the  law,  why  does  he  not  read  it!  The  audience  must 
now  be  satisfied  that  MR.  BORTHWICK  has  promised  more  than  he  is  able 
to  perform ;  and,  consequently,  that  his  glowing  description  of  the  happy 
condition  of  the  enslaved  negro  is  drawn  from  his  imagination,  rather  than 
from  the  statute-book.  If  he  shall  finish  his  lecture  without  reading  the  law, 
he  will  have  succeeded  by  his  labors  this  evening  in  bringing  condemnation 
upon  himself  and  his  cause.  To  give  him  a  chance,  therefore,  to  rescue 
both,  if  possible,  for  the  last  time  I  call  upon  him  to  READ  THE  LAW.' 
The  whole  of  this  scene  cannot  be  adequately  described.  Order  was 
at  length  restored — poor  BORTHWICK  was  confounded,  and  wound  up  his 
lecture  as  speedily  as  possible,  still  persisting  that  there  tons  such  a  law,  but 
he  had  unfortunately  mislaid  it.  It  t-houl.l  certainly  be  forthcoming  at 
another  time.'  That  time  never  came! 


VIII  MR.    THOMPSON 

in  the  former  city,  for  his  advocacy  of  colonial  slavery, 
and  Bath  was  now  his  chosen  place  of  residence,  in 
which  he  was  ignobly  figuring  as  the  ( lion  of  the  day.' 
MR.  THOMPSON  had  long  been  anxious  to  deliver  a  lec 
ture  in  that  city,  although  he  was  aware  of  the  disadvan 
tages  under  which  he  must  labor  as  the  advocate  of 
emancipation.  Having  made  his  arrangements  accord 
ingly,  we  left  London  together,  in  the  stage-coach  early 
in  the  evening,  and  rode  all  night,  and  just  as  morning 
dawned  entered  Bath,  experiencing  the  bodily  depres 
sion  usually  arising  from  a  sleepless  night  and  a  long 
journey.  As  we  rode  through  various  streets,  large 
placards  upon  the  walls  met  our  eyes,  informing  the 
public  that  MR.  GEORGE  THOMPSON  would  reply  to 
MR.  BORTHWICK'S  lecture  at  12  o'clock  of  that  day. 
MR.  THOMPSON  had  not  seen  the  lecture  alluded  to,  and 
it  was  with  difficulty  he  obtained  a  copy  of  it  in  season 
for  perusal,  before  he  went  to  the  place  of  meeting  to 
reply  to  it!  Thus  fatigued,  and  thus  unprepared,  he 
was  called  to  stand  up,  for  the  first  time,  before  a  severe 
ly  critical  and  highly  intellectual  assembly  in  the 
Athens  of  England  !  He  had  scarcely  finished  his  brief 
exordium,  before  his  physical  depression  was  changed 
to  vigorous  action  ;  and  for  more  than  three  hours,  an 
affluent  stream  of  eloquence,  widening  and  deepening  in 
its  course,  was  poured  from  the  exhaustless  fountain  of 
his  mind.  His  auditors  were  evidently  taken  by  sur 
prise.  They  went  (very  many  of  them  at  least)  to  cavil, 
not  to  applaud — to  depress  the  orator  by  their  coolness, 
not  to  animate  him  by  their  enthusiasm.  But  their  half 
equivocal  ejaculations  of  '  hear  !  hear !  '  at  the  com 
mencement,  were  soon  succeeded  by  loud  cheers.  As 


IN    ENGLAND.  IX 

he  rose  to  the  climax  of  his  powers,  the  house  rang  with 
thunders  of  applause.  In  the  course  of  his  lecture,  he 
paused  repeatedly,  and  thanking  them  for  their  very  flat 
tering  reception,  which  he  ascribed  to  their  interest  in 
the  great  cause  of  human  rights,  intimated  that  he  would 
hring  his  remarks  to  a  close,  lest  he  should  trespass 
upon  their  time  and  patience.  But  the  cries  of  'No! 
no  !  Go  on  !  go  on  !  '  were  unanimous,  and  encouraged 
him  to  proceed.  At  length,  nature  demanded  relief: 
the  powerful  and  long-continued  action  of  his  mind  shat 
tered  its  fleshly  tabernacle,  and  he  could  speak  no 
longer.  It  was,  in  truth,  a  masterly  effort.  1  cannot 
conceive  how  he  could  have  improved  it  by  long 
deliberation,  either  in  the  delicacy  of  its  satire,  the 
force  of  its  reasoning,  or  the  splendor  of  its  declamation. 
MR.  BORTHWICK  was  challenged  to  discuss  the  subject 
of  slavery  in  Bath,  but  wisely  declined. 

The  qualifications  of  MR.  THOMPSON,  as  a  lecturer,^ 
filled  my  mind  with  admiration.  His  person  was  tall 
and  graceful  ;  his  social  manners  captivating;  his  voice 
of  great  compass,  and  very  pleasant  in  its  lower  tones  ; 
his  action  natural — at  times  vehement — yet  generally 
governed  by  oratorical  rules  ;  his  elocution  beautiful, 
spontaneous,  irresistible.  Especially  did  he  excel  in 
debate  :  he  could  do  more  for  himself  and  his  cause 
with  MR.  BORTHWICK,  than  without  him :  and  he 
always  preferred  to  have  an  antagonist,  if  one  could  be 
found.  He  had  the  faculty  of  '  thinking  on  his  legs  ' 
faster  than  any  other  speaker  I  had  ever  heard.  But 
it  was  not  his  quickness  of  perception,  nor  his  fluency 
of  speech,  nor  his  brilliancy  of  retort,  upon  which  he 
placed  reliance.  He  felt  that  the  cause  which  he  es^X 


X  MR.    THOMPSON 

poused  was  invincible,  inasmuch  as  it  was  based  upon 
the  rock  of  TRUTH,  supported  by  the  pillars  of  JUSTICE 
and  MERCY,  and  patronized  by  GOD.  He  was  strong 
in  faith — that  faith  which  is  as  an  anchor  to  the  soul, 
both  sure  and  steadfast — that  faith  which  has  so  often 
overcome  the  world.  His  appeals  were  made  to  the 
CHRISTIANITY  of  Great  Britain.  He  depicted  slavery 
as  a  comprehensive  system  of  soul-murder.  If  he 
alluded  to  the  physical  sufferings  of  the  slaves,  he  did  so 
rather  in  confirmation  of  his  charges  of  animal  cru 
elty  against  the  planters,  than  to  excite  the  highest 
indignation  of  his  audience.  He  knew  that  he  was  ad 
dressing  a  professedly  moral  and  religious  people ;  and 
he  rightly  judged,  that  they  would  regard  an  outrage 
done  to  the  intellect  and  soul  of  a  human  being,  as 
transcending  every  other  in  enormity.  It  was  his  great 
aim,  therefore,  to  establish  the  equality,  exalt  the  value, 
and  vindicate  the  immortality  of  the  slave.  For  that 
despised  and  fettered  victim,  the  heavens  nnd  the  earth 
were  created,  as  much  as  for  patriarchs,  prophets  and 
apostles.  For  him,  equally  with  the  rest  of  mankind, 
God  said,  <LET  THERE  BE  LIGHT.'  For  him,  the  sun 
and  the  moon  and  stars  were  ordained  to  shine  in  the 
firmament.  For  him,  God  commanded  the  earth  to 
bring  forth  grass,  and  herb  yielding  seed  after  his  kind, 
and  the  tree  yielding  fruit  after  his  kind; — the  living 
creature  after  his  kind,  cattle,  and  creeping  thing,  and 
beast  of  the  earth,  after  his  kind.  For  him,  God  said, 
'Let  the  waters  bring  forth  abundantly  the  moving  crea 
ture  that  hath  life,  and  fowl  that  may  fly  above  the 
earth.'  To  his  dominion  were  subjected  the  fish  of  the 
sea,  the  fowl  of  the  air,  and  every  living  thing  that  moveth 


IN    ENGLAND.  XI 

upon  the  earth.  And,  finally,  for  him  the  Lord  of 
glory  descended  from  heaven,  was  scorned  and  buffet 
ed,  and  crucified  upon  the  cross,  to  redeem  him  from 
the  thraldom  of  sin,  and  make  him  an  heir  of  God,  and 
a  joint  heir  with  himself.  It  was  thus  that  this  distin 
guished  advocate  lifted  up  the  down-trodden  slave  to  an 
equality  with  the  highest  of  the  human  race  :  and  when 
he  vividly  portrayed  the  awful  guilt  of  those  who  were 
plunging  him  into  an  abyss  of  degradation,  depriving  him 
of  knowledge,  and  ruining  his  soul  by  a  systematic  pro 
cess,  a  Christian  audience  could  not  be  otherwise  than 
moved  to  tears,  roused  to  indignant  remonstrance,  and 
inspired  to  labor  for  his  deliverance.  I  trust  it  will  be 
remembered,  throughout  the  mighty  struggle  that  is  now 
going  on  in  this  country,  that  it  was  upon  the  shoulders 
of  Christianity,  the  anti-slavery  cause  was  carried  tri 
umphantly  to  the  goal  of  emancipation. 

As  the  bill  for  the  abolition  of  Colonial  Slavery  had 
passed  both  houses  of  Parliament,  previous  to  my  em 
barkation  for  the  United  States,  and  as  the  long  pro 
tracted  contest  in  England  was  about  drawing  to  a  close, 
it  occurred  to  me,  that  if  I  could  succeed  in  inducing 
MJR.  THOMPSON  to  visit  America,  and  co-operate  with 
the  little  band  of  abolitionists  who  were  there  struggling 
against  wind  and  tide,  my  mission  would  be  crowned 
with  the  highest  success. 

One  day  as  I  was  dining  at  the  house  of  THOMAS 
FOWELL  BUXTON,*  in  London,  our  conversation  natur 
ally  turned  upon  the  state  of  the  abolition  question  in 
the  United  States.  In  the  course  of  many  inquiries,  he 

*  The  successor  of  WILBERFORCK  in  Parliament. 


3CII  MR.    THOMPSON 

kindly  remarked,  that,  as  the  friends  of  negro  emancipa 
tion  in  England  had  nearly  accomplished  their  work  in 
the  Colonies,  they  would  soon  be  enabled  to  give  their 
sympathies  and  aid  to  their  brethren  in  America,  in  a 
more  direct  and  efficient  manner  than  they  had  hither 
to  done ;  and  he  was  sure  they  would  readily  do  what 
they  could,  consistently  with  duty,  the  relations  that 
^subsisted  between  the  two  countries,  &c.  i  In  what 
Kvay,  then,  Mr.  Garrison,'  he  inquired,  c  can  we  best 
assist  your  cause?'  'By  giving  us  George  Thompson,7 
I  replied.  '  But,'  he  asked,  '  would  not  there  be  strong 
prejudices  excited  against  him,  on  account  of  his  being 
an  Englishman  ?  Do  you  think  he  could  obtain  a  fair 
/hearing  before  the  American  people?  Would  not  the 
j  slaveholders,  especially,  and  their  violent  adherents, 
I  endeavor  to  inflame  the  jealousy  of  the  nation,  and 
^misrepresent  the  real  object  of  his  mission? '  To  these 
questions  I  replied,  that  the  coming  of  MR.  THOMPSON 
among  us  would  undoubtedly  stir  up  the  bile  of  all 
those  who  were  opposed  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  ;  that 
he  might  expect  to  encounter  severe  ridicule  and  bitter 
denunciation  ;  that  it  would  not  be  safe  for  him  (as  it 
was  not  safe  for  any  New-Englander  who  was  an  abo 
litionist)  to  travel  and  lecture  in  the  slave  States ;  and 
that  he  would  have  to  take*  his  chance — probably  an 
v  unequal  chance — with  the  rest  of  us  who  were  proscrib- 
>\ed  for  our  abhorrence  of  the  slave  system.  Still,  I  be 
lieved  he  would  find  opportunities  to  speak  in  public, 
especially  in  New-England,  as  often  as  he  could  desire  ; 
and  1  felt  confident,  that  whenever  and  wherever  he 
should  succeed  in  making  himself  heard,  he  would  dis 
arm  prejudice,  extort  admiration,  and  multiply  converts 


IN    ENGLAND.  XIII 

to  our  cause  ;  and  that  he  would  finally  remove  every 
obstacle  in  his  path,  arising  from  his  transatlantic  origin. 
As  to  his  personal  safety  in  New-England,  I  did  not 
think  there  would  be  any  hazard.  How  little  did  I  then 
imagine,  that;  such  was  the  ferocious  spirit  which 
slavery  had  generated  among  the  sons  of  the  pilgrims, 
MR.  THOMPSON  would  soon  be  compelled  to  secrete 
himself  from  the  daggers  of  a  people,  boasting  contin 
ually  of  LIBERTY  and  EQUALITY,  and  proudly  living  with 
in  sight  of  Bunker  Hill,  for  simply  inculcating  'the  self- 
evident  truths '  contained  in  their  own  Declaration  of 
Independence  I  How  little  did  I  then  anticipate,  that,^ 
even  in  Boston,  '  the  wealthy  and  respectable  '  portion  of 
the  community  would  riotously  assemble  together,  at  mid 
day,  in  the  broad  sunlight  of  heaven,  to  tar  and  feather, 
and  perhaps  barbarously  put  to  death,  a  foreign  philan 
thropist,  whose  only  aim  was  to  assist  them  in  driving 
the  monster  oppression  from  their  shores  !  How  im 
possible  was  it  for  me  then  to  suppose,  that  the  time 
was  rapidly  approaching  when  Bostonians  would  be  so 
recreant  to  the  character  of  their  patriotic  forefathers,  so 
lost  to  all  sense  of  shame,  so  greedy  of  the  gain  of  un 
righteousness,  and  so  destitute  not  only  of  the  princt- 
ples  of  justice,  but  even  of  the  common  instincts  of  hu 
manity,  as  to  rush  en  masse  into  Faneuil  Hall,  their  old 
CRADLE  OF  LIBERTY,  and  there,  in  the  delirium  of 
passion,  brand  the  advocates  of  universal  emancipation 
as  traitors  to  their  country,  eulogize  the  robbers  cf  the 
poor  and  needy  as  patriotic  citizens,  and  cheer  the 
memory  of  WASHINGTON,  because  he  ivas  a  slaveholder^/ 
Little  did  I  imagine,  that  the  time  was  speedily  coming 
when  the  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press  would  be 


XIV  MR.    THOMPSON 

deemed  a  treasonable  offence ;  when  the  U.  S.  mail 
would  be  plundered  by  a  committee  of  respectable  and 
affluent  citizens  in  the  open  daylight  of  heaven,  not 
only  with  impunity,  but  with  the  -approbation  of  the 
people ;  when  large  rewards  for  the  abduction  of  north 
ern  citizens  would  be  offered  in  all  parts  of  the  south ; 
when  applications  would  be  made  by  Governors  of 
southern  States  to  those  of  northern  States,  to  deliver 
up  individuals  who  were  neither  fugitives  from  justice, 
or  guilty  of  any  misdemeanor,  that  they  might  be  put 
to  an  ignominious  death  ;  when  northern  citizens  at  the 
south  would  be  arrested  and  condemned  illegally,  on 
suspicion  of  being  opposed  in  principle  to  slavery,  and 
cruelly  scourged  or  '  lynched/  (i.  e.  gibbeted  by  a  mob,') 
and  the  murderers  suffered  to  go  unmolested  by  the 
courts ;  when  the  President  of  the  United  States  would 
urge  upon  Congress  the  duty  of  passing  another  ALIEN 
AND  SEDITION  LAW,  for  the  perpetuity  of  the  slave 
system ;  and  when  a  Bill  w7ould  be  reported  in  the 
Senate,  making  it  an  offence  worthy  of  fine  or  impris 
onment  in  any  postmaster  in  a  slave  State,  who  should 
knowingly  deliver  or  circulate  any  letter,  newspaper, 
tract  or  pamphlet,  containing  sentiments  hostile  to  sla 
very  !  No :  corrupt  and  despotic  as  I  knew  my  coun 
try  to  be,  and  thoroughly  infected  with  the  poison  of 
negro  oppression  as  was  her  entire  system,  yet  I  had  no 
anticipation  of  the  occurrence  of  events  so  dreadful  and 
scuicidal  as  these. 

MR.  BUXTON  pleasantly  remarked,  that,  if  I  thought 
they  could  obtain  a  hearing  at  the  north,  we  might  have 
not  only  MR.  THOMPSON,  but  all  their  abolition  lec 
turers,  if  desirable.  He  also  said,  that  it  was  his  inten- 


IN    ENGLAND.  XV 

tion  to  address  a  letter  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States  upon  the  subject  of  slavery,  which  I  urged  him 
to  write  without  delay. 

At  my  next  interview  with  MR.  THOMPSON,  I  frankly 
stated  to  him  my  views  and  feelings.  Novel  and  start 
ling  as  was  my  proposition,  it  made  at  once  a  deep  im 
pression  upon  his  benevolent  mind,  and  he  promised  to 
give  it  all  that  consideration  which  its  importance  merit 
ed.  It  was  an  extraordinary  sacrifice  which  he  was  in 
vited  to  make — a  sacrifice  of  personal  comfort,  safety, 
emolument,  reputation,  home,  relations,  friends,  and 
country.  What  trust  in  God,  what  love  for  the  human 
race,  what  sympathy  for  the  outcasts  and  the  dumb,  did 
it  require  !  How  few,  how  very  few,  even  among  the 
professed  followers  of  Christ,  are  prepared  to  make  a 
much  smaller  sacrifice  !  Ye  who  love  your  native 
country,  say,  is  it  a  small  matter  to  be  exiled  from  her 
shores  ?  Ye  who  feel  and  sing,  that  'there  is  no  place 
like  home,  be  it  ever  so  humble,'  tell  me,  is  it  nothing  to 
be  severed  from  it  by  a  boundless  ocean,  and  to  have  all 
the  fibres  of  your  affections  torn  asunder  ?  Ye  who  are 
holding  continual  intercourse  with  kindred  and  friends, 
and  enjoying  the  delightful  satisfaction  of  meeting  in 
your  daily  walks  familiar  countenances  and  native  forms 
— declare,  how  many  pangs  would  it  cost  you  to  absent 
yourselves  from  their  society,  and  sojourn  in  a  strange 
land  where  you  would  be  'alike  unknowing  and  un 
known?  '  Ye  who,  as  the  darkness  of  night  deepens  and 
spreads  over  your  abodes,  lie  down  at  ease  and  in  safety, 
with  none  to  molest  or  make  you  afraid — answer,  would 
it  be  pastime  voluntarily  to  surround  yourselves,  your  wives 
and  your  little  ones,  with  afflictions,  necessities,  distresses, 


XVI  MR.    THOMPSON 

tumults,  and  to  be  in  perils  of  waters,  in  perils  of  robbers1-, 
in  perilsof  tyrants,  in  perilsof  a  foreign  land,  in  perilsin  the 
city,  and  in  perils  among  false  brethren  ?  Ye  who  pos 
sess  an  honorable  reputation,  and  swim  upon  the  full 
tide  of  a  well-earned  popularity,  and  hear  the  voice  of 
panegyric  every  where  vocal  in  your  behalf — is  it  easy? 
even  in  obedience  to  the  promptings  of  duty,  to  turn  your 
backs  upon  the  scenes  of  your  triumphs,  and  the  ap 
plauses  of  a  grateful  people — to  seek  a  land  in  which 
you  shall  instantly  become  of  no  reputation,  and  be 
ranked  among  the  offscouring  of  the  earth,  and  be  brand 
ed  with  every  hateful  epithet,  and  hunted  as  a  wild  beast 
by  a  blood-thirsty  populace  ?  Yet  such  were  the  sacri 
fices  and  perils  which  MR.  THOMPSON  was  invited  to 
encounter  :  and  what  but  THE  LOVE  or  CHRIST  CON 
STRAINING  HIM  could  have  induced  him  finally  to  take 
up  so  heavy  a  cross  as  this?  How  many  plausible  ob 
jections  might  have  been  started  to  the  mission,  if  he 
had  been  disposed  to  shrink  from  its  perils,  or  evade  its 
mortifications  !  He  was  a  foreigner ;  the  experiment 
was  a  novel  one ;  it  might  needlessly  jeopard  the  hap 
piness  and  safety  of  his  family;  his  advocacy  might  do 
more  harm  than  good  ;  there  were  many  important 
moral  enterprises  in  England  which  needed  his  efforts  ; 
there  was  no  lack  of  talent  or  zeal  enlisted  in  the  anti- 
slavery  cause  in  the  United  States,  &tc.  &c.  Minds  of 
little  faith,  and  of  great  timorousness,  might  start  such 
difficulties  in  favor  of  themselves  or  of  others  ;  but 
GEORGE  THOMPSON  never  once  thought  of  sheltering 
himself  behind  such  coverts.  It  was  not  the  hardship 
of  exile,  passionately  attached  as  he  was  to  his  native 
country  ;  nor  the  pain  of  separation  from  bis  kindred  ; 


IN    ENGLAND.  XVII 

nor  the  Joss  of  reputation  and  comfort ;  nor  the  perils  of 
the  great  deep;  nor  the  certainty  of  encountering  the 
scorn  and  persecution  of  a  proud  and  oppressive  peo 
ple  ;  that  made  him  pause,  and  deliberately  consider  the 
proposition  which  was  made  to  him,  in  behalf  of  the  friends 
of  the  slaves  across  the  Atlantic.  Was  the  cause,  which 
he  was  invited  to  espouse,  of  greater  moment  than 
any  other  which  presented  itself?  Could  he  hope  to  be 
more  useful  in  it  than  in  a  subordinate  enterprise  ? 
Would  such  a  mission  be  in  accordance  with  the  spirit 
of  the  gospel  of  Christ  ?  Was  he  qualified  to  sustain 
it  ?  These  were  the  great  questions  which  occupied 
the  thoughts  of  MR.  THOMPSON,  and  which,  in  his  view, 
included  all  other  considerations. 

The  first  question  he  could  readily  answer  in  the 
affirmative.  There  was  no  conceivable  interest,  apper 
taining  to  a  human  being,  either  for  time  or  eternity, 
either  affecting  his  body  or  soul,  which  was  not  bound 
up  in  the  cause  of  the  slave.  Slavery  was  the  transfor 
mation  of  man,  with  all  his  faculties  and  powers,  into  a 
beast,  a  machine,  an  article  of  merchandize.  It  was 
full  of  mortal  woe,  and  the  wreck  of  immortality.  It 
was  the  entire  subversion  of  the  moral  government  of 
the  universe,  the  frustration  of  God's  design  in  the  cre 
ation  of  man,  the  daily  crucifixion  of  Jesus  Christ. 
Slavery  was  practically  a  state  of  atheism  on  the  part  of 
the  masters,  and  of  heathenism  as  it  regarded  the  slaves. 
If  the  whole  man  was  ruined  by  it,  what  other  cause 
contemplated  the  rescue  of  more  than  the  whole  man  ? 
Invention — science — the  arts — letters — self-government 
— progressive  improvement — domestic  happiness — pri 
vate  and  public  safety — national  union — honor  and  re- 
2* 


XVIII  MR.    THOMPSON 

nown — freedom  of  conscience,  of  speech,  of  the  press, 
of  choice,  of  locomotion — individual  liberty — the  sa 
cred  relations  of  life — the  circulation  of  the  scriptures 
— the  triumph  of  the  gospel — all  these  depended  upon 
the  extinction  of  slavery.  No  other  cause  embraced  so 
many  particulars. 

The  astonishing  success  which  had  already  crowned 
his  labors  in  Great  Britain,  and  his  familiarity  with  the 
subject  of  slavery,  in  all  its  legal,  physical  and  moral  rela 
tions,  authorised  him  to  believe,  that  his  usefulness  could 
not  be  enlarged  by  the  prosecution  of  an  inferior  enter 
prise,  however  excellent  in  itself.  He  was  now  better 
qualified  than  ever  to  renew  the  warfare  against  slavery, 
inasmuch  as  his  experience  and  knowledge  were  greater 
than  when  he  first  enlisted  in  the  service. 

The  third  question  was  affirmatively  answered  by  his 
heart  and  his  understanding,  as  soon  as  it  was  propound 
ed.  His  mission  would  be,  physically  and  spiritually, 
intellectually  and  morally,  the  identical  mission  of  the 
Son  of  God — to  bind  up  the  broken-hearted,  to  preach 
deliverance  to  the  captive,  and  the  opening  of  the  pris 
on  doors  to  those  who  were  bound.  It  was  authorised 
by  the  command  of  the  risen  Saviour — lGo  ye  into  all 
the  wrorld,  and  preach  the  gospel  to  every  creature. 
Lo,  T  am  with  you  ahvay,  even  to  the  end  of  the  world.' 
An  English  Christian  may  as  properly  visit  America, 
and  labor  for  the  subversion  of  slavery,  as  an  American 
Christian  may  go  to  India,  and  toil  for  the  downfal  of 
idolatry  :  so  Jesus  Christ  determines.  His  gospel  is 
aggressive,  and  it  disregards  all  territorial  distinctions, 
all  national  peculiarities,  and  all  human  prohibitions.  A 
Christian  is  authorised  to  conflict  with  sin  wherever  he 


IN    ENGLAND.  XIX 

finds  it.  There  is  no  place  so  remote,  no  station  so  lofty, 
no  power  so  great,  no  government  so  peculiar,  as  to 
shield  sin  from  rebuke  and  exposure.  Yet  proud  and  phar- 
isaical  America  is  enraged  to  madness,  because  she  is 
admonished  for  her  bloody  crimes  by  a  Christian  stran 
ger;  and  her  priests  and  her  churches  (with  some  signal 
exceptions)  artfully  strive  to  inflame  her  hatred,  and  join 
in  the  sanguinary  cry,  *  Away  with  him !  crucify  him  ! 
crucify  him  !  his  blood  be  upon  us,  and  on  our  children  ! ' 

The  last  question,  whether  he  was  qualified  to  sustain 
so  important  an  agency,  was  one  which,  sincerely  dis 
trusting  his  own  abilities,  he  referred  to  the  considera 
tion  and  decision  of  the  most  discreet  friends  of  the 
colored  race  in  Great  Britain.  As  soon  as  the  mission 
was  suggested  to  them,  whatever  may  have  been  their 
opinion  of  its  suitableness  or  feasibility,  they  unanimous 
ly  agreed,  that  GEORGE  THOMPSON  was  pre-eminently 
qualified  to  prosecute  it.  Nor  did  they  throw  up  any 
obstacles  in  his  path  :  on  the  contrary,  they  generously 
proffered  all  needful  assistance. 

Having  ascertained  the  views  of  his  numerous  friends, 
MR.  THOMPSON  gave  me  the  joyful  assurance,  a  few 
days  before  my  departure,  that  Deo  volente,  he  would 
visit  America,  and  cast  his  lot  among  the  proscribed  ad 
vocates  of  injured  humanity.  But  he  must  first  per 
form  an  important  work  in  England.  It  was  proposed 
to  organize  a  Society  in  London,  for  the  abolition  of  sla 
very  and  the  slave  trade  THROUGHOUT  THE  WORLD  ; 
under  whose  auspices,  Mr.  T.  would  embark  for  the 
United  States.  To  accomplish  this  noble  object,  MR. 
THOMPSON  travelled  through  the  kingdom,  lecturing  in 
the  principal  towns  and  cities,  and  stimulating  afresh  the 


XX  MR.  THOMPSON 

compassion  and  benevolence  of  the  colored  race  uni 
versally.  The  parent  society  was  soon  organized  in  the 
metropolis,  and  several  auxiliary  associations  were  also 
formed  in  various  parts  of  the  country.  In  Scotland, 
particularly  in  Edinburgh,  MR.  THOMPSON  was  received 
with  every  demonstration  of  respect,  affection  and  de 
light.  The  enthusiasm  of  his  crowded  audiences  was 
boundless. 

Here  I  may  pause,  to  notice  some  of  the  many 
ridiculous  charges  which  were  brought  against  MR. 
THOMPSON,  after  his  arrival  in  this  country. 

First.  He  was  taunted  with  being  a  ( Scotchman,' '  the 
Scotch  emissary,'  <^c.  This  sneer  is  as  false  in  fact,  as 
it  is  puerile  in  reason,  and  worthy  of  those  whose  na 
tivity  the  most  degraded  tribe  on  earth  should  be  loath 
to  claim.  Surely,  to  be  born  in  Scotland  is  no  more 
justly  reproachful,  than  to  be  born  in  the  United  States, 
and,  indisputably,  is  quite  as  honorable  and  praisewor 
thy.  Contempt  of  other  nations  belongs  to  barbarism, 
and  is  generally  a  proof  of  personal  or  domestic  inferi 
ority.  Still,  if  we  may  lawfully  enslave  men  because 
they  or  their  ancestors  were  born  in  Africa,  we  have  an 
unquestionable  right  to  contemn  those  who  originated  in 
Scotland.  To  this  grave  charge,  that  he  was  a  foreign 
er,  MR.  THOMPSON  used  playfully  to  reply,  that  he  had 
no  choice,  or  control,  in  selecting  the  spot  upon  which 
he  first  drew  the  breath  of  life ;  that  if  he  could  have 
made  an  election,  at  the  time  of  his  birth, perhaps  he 
might  have  chosen  Boston,  or  New  York,  or  Philadel 
phia,  in  America,  as  the  place  of  his  nativity  ;  and  that, 
if  any  mistake  had  been  committed,  he  had  done  what 
he  could  to  rectify  it,  by  leaving  England  for  America ! 


IN    ENGLAND.  XXI 

Jt  is  proper  to  state, — not  to  relieve  Mr.  T.  of  any  odi 
um,  but  for  the  sake  of  accuracy, — that  he  was  born  in 
Liverpool,  and  must  therefore  relinquish  the  satisfac 
tion  of  belonging  to  renowned  and  enlightened  Scot 
land. 

Again.  It  was  partly  alleged,  that  MR.  THOMPSON 
was  sent  out  to  this  country,  by  a  small  number  of  an 
tiquated  spinsters,  in  Glasgow  or  Edinburgh  : 

'As  to  THOMPSON,  the  foreign  vagrant,  who  has  attempted  with  impu 
dent  zeal  to  create  excitement,  he  has  been  hooted  from  every  place  where 
he  has  recently  attempted  to  hold  forth.  He  will  soon  find  it  most  expedi 
ent  to  return  to  his  own  country,  and  give  an  account  of  his  mission  to  the 
silly  women  who  squandered  their  money  for  his  support.' — [Boston  Cen- 
tinel] 

<  The  ethics  ofthe  abolitionists,  as  expounded  by  their  imported  mouth 
piece,  THOMPSON,  in  the  employment  ofthe  Glasgow  philanthropistisses, 
appears  to  be  gaining  some  ground  in  the  Slave  States.     Several  murders 
have  recently  been  perpetrated,  and' God  willing, 'as  these  murderous  hypo 
crites  have  it,  we  suppose  several  more  will   be  committed,'  &c. — [New 
York  Courier  and  Enquirer.] 

<  What !  the  Cradle  of  Liberty  [Faneuil  Hall]  in  little  more  than  half  a 
century  to  become  its  coffin  !     The  place  where  the  Adams's  and  the  Otis's 
have  so  often  uttered,  in  burning  eloquence,  the  matchless  value  of  our  in 
stitutions,  to  echo  with  the  raven  croakings  of  such  creatures  as  Garrison  ! 
— the   mad   imbecilities  of  Stow,  the  flatulent  dogmatisms  of  the  fanatic 
Birney,from  Kentucky,  and  the  theatritcal  contortions  ofthe  mouthing  and 
noisy  driveller,  acting  as  the  stipendiary  of  the    Glasgow  seamstresses'1. 
— the  poor  creature,  who,  having  been  found  too  dishonest  for  employment 
by  men,  has  tied  himself  to  the  apron-strings  of  some  canting  old  women, 
and  derives  his  only  power  of  purchasing  his  daily  bread  and  butter  from 
the  scanty  savings  ofa  few  Scotchftmales.     This  is  one  of  the  scoundrels, 
— we  have    no  mealiness  of  phraseology  for  incendiaries,  sent  here  with 
lighted  torches  in  their  hands  to  set  fire  to  our  social  fabric,  &c.     [Idem.} 

*  England  entailed  this  curse  [slavery]  upon  our  land;  and  now  some 
maiden  ladies  in  England  send  forth  two  mad  missionaries  to  preach  trea 
son  to  our  Constitution,  and  inculcate  upon  us  *  a  labor  of  mercy '  to 
wards  our  black  population  !  We  shall  not  attend  the  meeting  in  question 


XXII  MR.    THOMPSON 

— but  if  we  did,  it  would  be  to  aid  in  tarring  and  feathering  the  impudent 
foreign  pretenders,  who  have  thus  dared  to  present  themselves  among  us,  to 
sow  the  seeds  of  discord  and  disunion.  Let  them  beware  of  the  experi 
ment  they  have  attempted.' — [Idem.] 

*  Thompson  the  Scotchman. — This  most  impudent  of  itinerant  mounte 
banks,  represents  Miss  Lucretia  M"1  Tabb  and  a  bevy  of  old  maids  at 
Glasgow,  who  pay  him  board,  wages  and  travelling  expenses,  to  lecture 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States  on  their  domestic  duties;  one  of  the  most 
urgent  of  which  is,  to  lodge  him  in  Bridewell,  until  he  give  security  to  keep 
the  peace — after  which,  he  ought  to  be  packed  up  like  a  quintal  of  cod-fish 
and  sent  back  to  the  Caledonian  damsels  who  exported  this  vagabondizing 
interloper.' — [Idtm.] 

'  What  renders  the  conduct  of  these  instigators  of  treason,  robbery  and 
massacre,  still  more  outrageous  and  indefensible,  is  the  fact  of  their  having 
imported  more  than  one  organ  of  mischief  from  England,  to  assist  in  sowing 
the  live  coals  of  ruin  and  desolation  over  a  large  portion  of  this  prosperous 
land.  Not  content  with  the  agency  of  the  wretched  libeller  of  his  country, 
the  exclusive  «  friend  of  all  the  human  race,' they  have  associated  in  their 
righteous  race,  an  imported  incendiary,  '  who  left  his  country  for  his  coun 
try's  good.'  That  this  apostle  of  the  old  pussy  cats  of  Glasgow,  this  tool 
of  Tappanism,  has  hitherto  escaped  the  Bridewell,  transportation,  or  some 
other  species  of  modern  martyrdom,  is  a  proof  either  that  our  laws  are  de 
fective,  our  magistrates  neglectful,  or  our  people  the  best  natured  in  the 
world.  We  hope  and  trust  that  his  next  attempt  in  this  city  will  end  in  a 
transfer  to  the  Penitentiary,  as  a  common  disturber  and  enemy  lo  society, 
and  would  earnestly  recommend  to  the  superintendent  of  that  society,  a  sol 
itary  probation,  le.sthe  might  corrupt  the  morals  of  his  pupils.' — [Idem.] 

Occasionally,  '  the  bevy  of  old  maids  at  Glasgow  ' 
would  be  made  to  give  place  to  the  British  Government, 
which  was  charged  with  having  sent  MR.  THOMPSON  to 
this  country  for  the  express  purpose  of  destroying  the 
American  Union  !  The  same  individuals,  almost  in  the 
same  breath,  would  bring  these  ridiculous  and  contra 
dictory  allegations.  Occasionally,  the  ridicule  of  con 
tempt  would  be  followed  by  the  toscin  of  alarm,  thus  : 

*  Sir,  these  doctrines  and  that  language,  to  which  I  have  felt  it  my  duty  to 
advert,  tending  as  they  do  to  the  disruption  oftheUnion,  the  prostration  of  Gov« 


IN    ENGLAND.  XXIIJ 

eminent,  and  to  all  the  horrors  of  a  civil  and  servile  war,  have  attained  their 
greatest  prevalence  and  intensity  within  the  past  year.  Since  a  certain  noto 
rious  foreign  agent  first  landed  upon  our  shores,  who  comes  here  not  to  unite 
his  fate  with  ours,  not  as  other  foreigners  who  would  make  this  their  home, 
and  whom  we  cordially  receive  to  the  participation  of  all  the  immeasurable 
blessings  of  free  institutions ;  but  he  comes  here  as  an  avowed  emissary , 
sustained  by  foreign  funds,  a  professed  agitator  upon  questions  deeply,  pro 
foundly  political,  which  lay  at  the  very  foundation  of  our  Union,  and  in 
which  the  very  existence  of  this  nation  is  involved.  He  comes  here  from 
the  dark  and  corrupt  institutions  of  Europe,  to  enlighten  us  upon  the  rights 
of  man  and  the  moral  duties  of  our  own  condition.  Received  by  our  hos 
pitality ',  (/  /)  he  stands  here  upon  our  soil,  protected  by  our  laws,  (.'/)  and 
hurls  '  fire-brands,  arrows  and  death'  into  the  habitations  of  our  neighbors, 
and  friends,  and  brothers  ; — and  when  he  shall  have  kindled  a  conflagration 
which  is  sweeping  desolation  over  our  land,  he  has  only  to  embark  for  his 
own  country,  and  there  look  securely  back,  with  indifference  or  exultation, 
upon  the  wide  spread  ruin  by  which  our  cities  are  wrapt  in  flames,  and  our 
garments  rolled  in  blood'  !!* — Speech  of  Hon.  Peleg  Sprague,  at  the 
pro-slavery  meeting  in  Faneuil  Hall,  Boston,  August  21,  1835. 


*  Circumstances  combine  to  give  to  this  extraordinary  phillippic,  the  ma 
lignancy  of  the  spirit  of  murder.  Its  author  has  a  large  reputation  as  a 
statesman;  his  assault  upon  MR.  THOMPSON  was  made  at  a  time  when 
the  public  mind  was  absolutely  in  a  state  of  phrenzy,  and  an  infatuated  pop 
ulace  stood  ready  to  abduct,  or  tar  and  feather,  or  assassinate,  as  opportu 
nity  might  offer,  this  noble  philanthropist ;  it  was  a  powerful  stimulus  to 
lawless  violence, — administered,  too,  in  the  Old  Cradle  of  Liberty, — which 
operated  on  the  21st  of  October,  by  exciting  a  lawless  mob  of  five  thousand 
'  gentlemen  of  property  and  standing  '  in  Boston,  who  endeavored  '  to  snake 
out  and  lynch  '  MR.  THOMPSON,  accord  ing  to  Upmost  approved  mode  of  tor 
ture  and  murder  at  the  South.  This  philippic  was  not  less  cowardly  than 
sanguinary,  inasmuch  as  it  was  uttered  at  a  time,  and  under  circumstances, 
and  in  a  place,  which  rendered  it  impossible  either  for  MR.  THOMPSON  or 
any  of  his  friends  to  be  heard  in  reply. 

Our  English  brethren  may  feel  curious  to  see  c  those  doctrines  and  that 
language'  of  the  abolitionists,  which  MR.  SPRAGUE  declares  '  tend  to  the 
disruption  of  the  Union,  the  prostration  of  Government,  and  to  all  the  hor 
rors  of  a  civil  and  servile  war.'  Mr.  Sprague  represents  them  to  be  these: 
— '  Tell  the  abolitionists  this;  present  to  them  in  full  array  the  terrific  con 
sequences  of  their  attempts  at  immediate  emancipation,  and  they  meet  all 
by  a  cold  abstraction  (!)  They  answer, — We  must  do  right  regardless 
of  consequences.'  «  They  insist  that  it  is  right  that  they  should  urge  their 


XXIV  MR.    THOMPSON 

If  it  were  true,  that  the  ladies  of  Glasgow  or  Edin 
burgh  deputed  MR.  THOMPSON  to  this  country,  and 
wholly  defrayed  the  expenses  of  his  mission  among  us, 
the  fact  would  be  disgraceful,  neither  to  them  nor  to 


doctrines  For  the  conviction  of  the  South.'  [What  a  dangerous  heresy  !J 
4  They  insist  upon  immediate,  instantaneous  emancipation.'  '  By  thus  in 
sisting  that  the  continuance  of  slavery,  under  any  circumstances,  is  necessa 
rily  of  the  same  moral  character  as  its  original,  voluntary  introduction,  that 
it  is  equally  criminal,  they  come  to  the  conclusion,  that  no  laws  that  sanc 
tion  or  uphold  it  can  have  any  moral  obligation.'  Friends  of  humanity  in 
England,  behold  the  head  and  front  of  the  offending  of  American  abolition 
ists  !  Are  not  their  doctrines  your  doctrines  1  Yet  it  is  alleged  that  they 
*  tend  to  all  the  horrors  of  a  civil  and  servile  war ' ! ! 

MR.  SPHAGUE  is  guilty  of  misrepresentation,  in  several  instances.  //  is 
not  true,  that  MR.  THOBIPSON  'came  here  as/an  avowed  emissary,'  or 
as  *  a  professed  agitator,'  ia  a  pernicious  sense.  It  is  not  true,  that 
die  question  of  slavery  is  exclusively  or  pre-eminently  a  political  one: 
k  is  a  mcr<al  and  religious  question,  which  every  moral  and  relig 
ious  being  on  earth  has  a  right  to  examine  and  discuss,  on  these  shores, 
atnd  throughout  the  world.  The  sneer  at  *  the  dark  and  corrupt  institutions 
of  Europe  '  manifests  a  large  share  of  effrontery,  in  this  connexion  ;  for  the 
institution  of  AMERICAN  SLAVERY  is  incomparably  more  '  dark  and  cor 
rupt. '  than  any  that  exi-sts  in  Europe.  MR.  SPHAGUE  exhibits,  moreover, 
a  superfluity  of  indignation,  because  an  Englishman  *  comes  here  to  enlight 
en  tts,  upon  the  rights  of  man,  and  the  moral  duties  of  our  condition. 
Surely,  the  people  uho  make  merchandise  of  more  than  one-sixth  of  their 
whole  number,  and  declare  that  such  brutal  conduct  is  divinely  sanctioned, 
or,  at  least,  is  not  prohibited  by  Christianity,  need  to  be  enlightened  up 
on  the  srtbject  of  inalienable  human  rights,  and  upon  moral  duties,  more 
dian  any  other  people  on  the  face  of  the  globe.  Surely,  the  man  who 
could  desecrate  FA>'EUIL  HALL  by  a  speech  in  favor  of  American  tyrants, 
and  by  lauding  WASH  IN  GTO  is  because  he  was  ^slaveholder,  (thus  convert 
ing  a  damning  stain  inu>  a  badge  ofhonor,)  may  be  taught  something  on  the 
score  of  liberty  even  by  a  NICHOLAS,  much  more  by  a  free-born  En^- 
iishtnan. 

By  the  British  Constitution,  no  slave  can  breathe  the  air  of  England. 

What  does  MR.  SPRAGUE  assert  of  the  American  Constitution,  in  approv 
ing  terms  1  <  It  recognizes  and  provides  for  the  continuance  of  the  relation 
of  mast er  and  slave.  It  does  sanction,  it  does  UPHOLD,  slavery.  There 


IN    ENGLAND.  XXV 

him,  but  honorable  to  all  parties.  It  is,  unquestionably, 
the  duty  of  women  to  seek  the  universal  elevation  of 
their  sex  from  moral  and  physical  degradation,  by  at 
tempting,  for  instance,  to  extirpate  the  practice  of  self- 
immolation  in  Hindonstan,  or  Turkish  polygamy,  or 
American  slavery.  If  a  million  females  are  held  in 
beastly  thraldom  in  this  country,  is  it  unbecoming  any 
portion  of  the  women  of  England,  Scotland  or  Ireland, 
to  send  forth  and  sustain  an  eloquent  and  gifted  agent 
to  plead  the  cause  of  their  down-trodden  sex  ?  No. 


is  no  pretence  that  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution,  in  relation  to  slavery, 
were  inserted  by  accident  or  inadvertence.  Few  parts  of  the  Constitution 
were  more  carefully  and  deliberately  weighed.'  Has  not  every  American 
cause  to  blush  at  the  contrastl 

But  MR.  THOMPSON  was  'received  by  OUR  hospita lily'!!  says  MR. 
SPRAGUE.  This  is  sufficiently  impudent  and  false.  It  was  the  hospitality 
of  the  wolf  to  the  lamb,  seeking  to  devour  the  victim.  '  Our  hospitality* 
caused  MR.  THOMPSON,  his  wife,  and  little  ones,  to  Ire  thrust  out  of  a 
hotel  in  New  York  city,  soon  after  he  landed  in  this  country.  '  Our  hospi 
tality  provided  for  him  rotten  eggs,  brickbats,  tar  and  feathers,  halters,  dag 
gers,  &c.  &c.  '  Our  hospitality  '  at  last  compelled  him  to  return  hastily 
to  England,  in  order  to  save  his  life.  It  was  the  'hospitality*  offered  by 
PELEG  SPRAGUE  in  Faneuil  Hall,  which  prepared  the  way  for  the  great 
mobocratic entertainment  that  was  made  in  October  for  MR.  THOMPSON  ! 

'Protected  by  our  laics  '  //  says  MR.  SPRAGUE.  When,  where,  and 
howl  '  Our  laws  '  do  not  protect  native  abolitionists.  '  Our  laws,'  too, 
must  be  singularly  defective,  if  they  give  protection  to  a  man  who  is  guilty 
of  hurling  '  fire-brands,  arrows  and  death '  into  '  the  habitations  of  our 
neighbors,  and  friends,  and  brothers.'  But  this  charge  of  PELEG  SPRAGUE 
against  MR.  THOMPSON  is  worthy  to  go  with  the  accusation  against  the 
apostles,  that  they  were  pestilent  and  seditious  fellows,  turning  the  world  up 
side  down — and  with  the  charge  against  the  Saviour,  that  he  had  a  devil. 
It  was  a  charge  well  calculated,  at  the  time  of  its  utterance,  to  stimulate  a 
host  of  assassins  against  Mr.  T's  life  :  it  was  certainly  a  blow  aimed  at  his 
reputation,  and  not  only  so,  but  an  impeachment  of  the  humanity,  patriot 
ism  and  piety  of  the  whole  body  of  abolitionists  who  supported  MR.  THOMP 
SON,  both  in  this  country  and  in  England. 

3 


XXVJ  MR.  THOMPSON 

Such  an  act  would  be  more  truly  glorious  than  a  thou 
sand  victories  won  upon  the  '  tented  field.'  But  the 
reader  has  been  already  apprised,  that  MR.  THOMP 
SON  was  invited  to  come  to  this  country  by  the  NEW  ENG 
LAND  ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETY,  and  to  accept  an  agency 
in  its  behalf.  He  complied  with  the  invitation,  but 
came  also  under  the  sanction,  and  to  some  extent,  un 
der  the  direction  as  well  as  co-operation  of  the  British 
and  Foreign  Society  for  the  Abolition  of  Slavery  and 
the  Slave  Trade  throughout  the  world.'  He  was  also 
countenanced  and  supported  by  other  anti-slavery  asso 
ciations  in  various  parts  of  the  United  Kingdom.  It  is 
true,  that  in  Glasgow  and  Edinburgh  a  special  inter 
est  was  taken  in  the  mission  of  MR.  THOMPSON  by 
some  of  the  most  estimable  and  philanthropic  ladies  in 
those  cities,  as  well  as  by  ladies  in  Liverpool,  Birming 
ham,  and  other  places,  and  that  they  contributed  to 
wards  its  prosecution — just  as  pious  females  in  our 
country  assist  in  sending  missionaries  to  other  lands — 
humbly,  subordinate!/,  conjunctively.  Yet  this  inci 
dental  co-operation  (worthy  as  it  is  of  the  admiration  of 
the  wise  and  good  in  every  country)  has  been  made  the 
occasion  of  much  scurrility  and  falsehood,  as  preceding 
quotations  abundantly  prove.  It  has  been  made  a 
subject  of  ridicule,  in  a  house  of  worship,  before  a 
crowded  audience  in  New  York.  At  a  colonization 
meeting  in  the  Rev.  Dr.  Spring's  church  last  May,  the 
Rev.  GEORGE  W.  BETHUNE  made  a  frothy  and  theat 
rical  speech,  of  which  the  following  is  an  extract,  as 
reported  in  the  New  York  Observer  : 

'  MR.  BETHUNE  observed,  that  he  was  sorry  not  to  see  some  of  our 
English  friends  present,  (i.  e.  Messrs.  Cox  and  HOBY,) — and  while  speak- 


IN    ENGLAND.  XXVII 

ing  of  them,  he  could  not  help  thinking  what  sortofa  reception  the  agent  of 
the  Edinburgh  ladies,  (MR.  THOMPSON,)  would  meet  on  his  return  to  his 
constituents,*  and  what  sort  of  a  report  he  would  probably  make  on  the  sub 
ject  of  his  mission.  He  could  not  but  picture  to  himself  the  fair  lady  Presi 
dent  inquiring — 

'And  pray  MR.  THOMPSON,  what  did  you  do  in  America  1  ' 

To  this  he  thought  he  heard.the  Agent  responding,  Why,  ladies,  I  made 
speeches  there :  for  which  one  part  of  my  audience  loudly  applauded  me, 
and  another  part  as  loudly  hissed  me.' 

'And  pray,  where  did  you  make  speeches,  MR.  THOMPSON  ?  Did  you 
go  to  that  part  of  the  country  where  slavery  prevailed,  and  tell  them  how 
wrong  it  was  1 ' 

*  Oh  no  !  if  I  had,  they  would  have  hanged  me !  But  I  went  to  the 
Northern  States,  ladies,  and  I  told  them  what  wicked  people  they  were 
at  the  South.' 

'  But,  MR.  THOMPSON,  had  the  people  of  the  North  any  power  to  eman 
cipate  the  slaves  of  the  southern  holders  1 


*  The  London  Christain  Advocate  of  Feb.  1st,  informs  us  '  what  sort  of 
a  reception  the  constituents  of  MR.  THOMPSON  gave  him  in  Glasgow  on 
his  return  : — on  Monday  he  met  the  Emancipation  Committees,  male  and 
female,  in  the  Friend's  Meeting-house,  when,  after  he  had  briefly  recited 
his  adventures,  a  unanimous  vote  of  thanks,  congratulation  and  confidence 
was  passed  and  presented  to  him.  The  meeting  likewise  pledged  itself 
anew  to  the  cause  of  universal  emancipation.  On  Tuesday  evening,  and 
again  on  Friday  evening,  MR.  THOMPSON  addressed  large  assemblies  of 
the  members  and  friends  of  the  Emancipation  Society  in  DR.  WARDLAW'S 
Chapel.  Rev.  Dr.  HEUGH  took  the  chair,  and  opened  the  proceedings 
in  a  short  speech,  highly  commendatory  of  MR.  THOMPSON.  Mr.  T. 
made  a  very  lengthy  address.  On  Monday  night,  (says  the  Glasgow  Journal 
of  Thursday,)  the  soiree  in  honor  of  MR.  GEORGE  THOMPSON  was  given  in 
the  large  and  splendid  hall  of  the  Montieth  Rooms,  Buchanan  street.  The 
usual  refreshments  provided  on  such  occasions — tea,  coffee,  fruits  conserves, 
&c.  &c.  were  amply  and  tastefully  distributed.  A  series  of  resolutions 
was  moved  and  carried  by  acclamation,  in  the  course  of  the  evening,  and 
the  movers  and  seconders  of  these  addressed  the  assembly  in  excellent 
speeches.  MR.  CUNNINGHAM'S  band  in  the  gallery  filled  up  the  intervals 
between  the  addresses,  with  alternately  gay  and  solemn  strains.  It  was  12 
o'clock  ere  the  assembly  broke  up.  MR.  THOMPSON,  who  was  the  last  to 
address  them,  was  warmly  cheered  and  encouraged  to  go  on  in  his  last 
speech.  Rev.  Drs.  KIDSTON  and  HEUGH  officiated  as  chaplains.' 


XXVIII  MR.    THOMPSON 

'  Oh  no  !     No  more,  ladies,  than  you  have  yourselves.' 
'  Indeed  !  and  then,  MR.  THOMPSON,  why  did  you  not  stay  at  home,  and 
make  your  speeches  to  us  1 ' 

[These  queries  and  replies  were  constantly  interrupted  with  bursts  of  en 
thusiastic  applause, mingled  with  long  and  uncontrolable  laughter.] 

The  foregoing  miserable  attempt  a  twit  is  a  specimen 
of  the  colonization  spirit  in  this  country.  The  school 
boy  sophistry  of  MR.  BETHUNE  is  based  upon  a  glar 
ing  falsehood,  which,  when  overthrown,  buries  its  au 
thor  in  the  ruins  of  his  own  folly.  MR.  THOMPSON  did 
not,  and  could  not,  go  to  any  part  of  our  nation  in 
which  slavery  does  not  virtually  exist.  A  very  large 
amount  of  capital,  belonging  to  the  northern  States  is 
vested  in  plantations  and  slaves  at  the  South.  There  is 
not  a  State  in  the  Union  in  which  slaveholders  do  not 
reside.  There  is  not  an  inch  of  territory  in  the  United 
States  which  affords  the  least  protection  to  a  runaway 
slave — the  people  of  every  state  regarding  themselves 
as  obligated  by  the  Constitution  to  return  him  to  his 
tyrannical  master,  and  to  suppress  every  insurrection  for 
liberty  among  the  slaves.  Slaveholders  are  allowed 
a  large  slave  representation  in  Congress.  The  inter 
course  between  the  North  and  the  South  is  as  intimate 
as  between  members  of  the  same  family,  and  their 
inhabitants  are  constantly  marrying  or  giving  in  marriage 
with  each  other.  The  existence  of  southern  slavery 
puts  in  jeopardy  the  liberty  of  every  free  colored  citizen 
in  the  non-slaveholding  States.  It  has  destroyed  the 
freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press,  and  the  right  of 
peaceably  assembling  together  to  consult  upon  the  pub 
lic  good,  and  the  liberty  of  locomotion,  i.  e.  to  the  citi 
zens  of  the  free  states,  (all  guarantied  by  the  Constitu- 


IN    ENGLAND.  XXIX 

tion,)  in  that  portion  of  the  Union  in  which  it  princi 
pally  obtains,  and  threatens  to  subjugate  to  a  servile 
condition  the  white  citizens  of  the  North.  Its  blight 
ing  influence  spreads  over  the  whole  country.  Besides, 
slavery  is  sustained  in  a  national  capacity  at  the  Seat  of 
Government,  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  in  the  sev 
eral  Territories  belonging  to  the  Union,  and  under  the  ex 
clusive  jurisdiction  of  Congress.  Again:  When  MR. 
THOMPSON  visited  us,  the  moral  power  of  the  free  states 
was  almost  wholly  enlisted  on  the  side  of  southern  slav 
ery,  either  by  palliation  or  direct  support.  It  was  es 
sentially  necessary,  therefore,  that  that  lost  moral  pow 
er  should  be  recovered,  and  turned  against  the  slave- 
system — for,  enlightened,  consolidated,  and  skilfully 
directed,  it  is  adequate  to  its  overthrow.  Let  the  pub 
lic  sentiment  in  the  free  states  become  thoroughly  abo- 
litionised,  and  slavery  will  speedily  be  crushed  by  its 
mighty  pressure.  Hence  it  is  that  such  desperate 
efforts  are  made,  on  the  part  of  southern  states,  to 
suppress  the  freedom  of  speech  at  the  North,  by  mobo- 
cratic  violence  ;  hence  the  offer  of  large  rewards  for  the 
abduction  of  anti-slavery  editors  and  lecturers  ;  and 
hence  the  demand  of  the  South,  that  the  liberty  of  the 
press,  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  shall  be  put  down  at 
the  North  by  penal  enactments.  These  items  of  intel 
ligence  serve  to  show  the  wisdom  of  MR.  THOMPSON, 
and  the  folly  of  MR.  BETHUNE.  The  latter  assumes, 
most  falsely,  as  has  been  proved,  that  it  is  as  useless, 
and  as  much  out  of  place,  to  assail  southern  slavery,  in 
New  England,  as  it  would  be  in  Old  England  ;  and  that 
the  people  of  the  North  have  no  more  connection  with 
southern  slavery,  and  can  no  more  effect  its  overthrow, 
3* 


XXX  MR.    THOMPSON 

than  the  ladies  of  Edinburgh  !  Mark  what  MR  BETH- 
UNE  says  respecting  the  murderous  spirit  of  the  south 
ern  slaveholders  !  The  question  is  supposed  to  be  pro 
pounded  to  MR.  THOMPSON — {  Did  you  go  to  that  part 
of  the  country  where  slavery  prevailed,  and  tell  them 
how  wron«;  it  was  ?'  MR.  BETHUNE  makes  the  follow- 

O 

ing  reply  for  Mr.  T. — '  Oh  no !  if  I  had  they  would 
have  hanged  me  !  '  i.  e.  for  simply  being  told  that  slave 
ry  was  wrong,  they  would  have  '  lynched  '  MR. 
THOMPSON,  without  judge  or  jury,  and  in  defiance 
of  every  just  law,  whether  human  or  divine.  What 
proud  and  blood-thirsty  oppressors,  according  to  the  rep 
resentation  of  the  Rev.  GEORGE  W.  BETHUNE  !  And 
yet  MR.  THOMPSON  was  taunted  as  a  coward,  for  not 
rushing  needlessly  and  rashly  into  the  jaws  of  these  hu 
man  tigers,  although  he  had  a  mighty  and  all-important 
work  first  to  perform  in  the  Northern  states,  even  if  he 
could  have  lectured  with  safety  at  the  South  !  But  I 
dismiss  the  reverend  jeerer,  who  trembled  while  he  af 
fected  to  laugh  at  the  powerful  speeches  of  Mr.  T. 

With  regard  to  the  other  charge  that  was  sometimes 
brought  against  MR.  THOMPSON — that  he  was  an  emis 
sary  of  the  British  Government — as  it  was  never  very 
seriously  urged,  and  is  too  ridiculous  to  require  refutation, 
I  shall  let  it  pass  without  comment.  There  is  a  third 
allegation  which  is  more  plausible,  but  not  less  false — 
that  he  was  sent  out  to  this  country,  to  do  a  work  of 
mischief,  by  the  enemies  of  our  republic — by  those 
who  desire  to  see  our  Union  dashed  into  atoms  !  Since 
the  world  was  made,  whoever  heard  of  foes  attempting 
to  bring  a  nation  to  repentance  for  its  sins,  in  order  to 
destroy  itl  Do  they  not  always  assail  that  which  is  good 


IN    ENGLAND.  XXXT 

and  precious,  and  aim  to  extend  licentiousness  and 
crime  ?  The  truth  is,  the  abolitionists  of  England,  as  a 
body,  constitute  the  republican,  the  genuine  reform 
party  of  that  country.  -  They  are  the  sincere,  disinter 
ested,  ardent  friends  of  American  liberty  and  union; 
they  wish  to  see  our  country  purged  from  every  stain  of 
blood  ;  they  desire  her  prosperity  and  improvement  ; 
they  love  and  cherish  those  civil  and  religious  institu 
tions  which  we  value  most  highly ;  they  admire  the 
theory  of  our 'government ;  they  are  in  truth  our  coun 
trymen,  our  brethren,  our  neighbors,  in  feeling,  in  pur 
pose,  in  Christian  love  and  sympathy.  They  will  ulti 
mately  abolish  the  unholy  union  of  Church  and  State 
in  England.  The  extortionate  tithe-system — the 
House  of  Lords — landed  monopolies,  &c.  &tc. — But 
they  are  retarded  in  their  noble  efforts  at  reform,  by  the 
inconsistency  and  oppression  of  this  republic.  All  our 
divisions  and  tumults  are  seized  upon  with  avidity  by 
the  tories,  and  ascribed  to  our  form  of  government* — 
whereas,  that  form  is  the  most  rational,  and  therefore 
the  most  substantial,  of  all  human  governments,  and 
whereas  it  is  well  known  among  ourselves  that  the  divi 
sions  and  tumults  alluded  to  are  the  fruits  of  slavery, 
exclusively  and  comprehensively.  They  are  freedom 
clashing  with  oppression,  light  with  darkness,  free  labor 
with  slave  labor.  If  our  slave  system  were  abolished, 
the  union  of  our  great  nation  would  be  perfect.  If  it  be  not 
speedily  removed,  strong  as  we  are,  it  will  overcome  and 
destroy  us.  The  tories  in  Europe  do  not  desire  its  re- 


*  Seethe  speech  of  Sir  Robert  Peel,  at  Farnworth. 


XXXII  MR.    THOMPSON 

movaL  They  desire  the  downfal  of  this  republic. 
They  would  gladly  assist  in  mobbing  GEORGE  THOMP 
SON,  for  his  republican  labors  among  us.  American 
slaveholders  and  aristocrats  belong  to  their  party,  and 
hate  liberty  and  equality  for  all  the  people,  as  sincerely 
as  the  autocrat  of  Russia,  or  the  Duke  of  Wellington, 
or  Sir  Robert  Peel.  The  tory  party  in  England  were 
against  the  abolition  of  the  foreign  slave  trade,  and  the 
emancipation  of  the  slaves  in  the  British  dependen 
cies.  They  always  have  been,  and  always  will  be, 
as  tories,  in  favor  of  both  white  and  black  slavery.  It 
was  the  friends  of  America — the  friends  of  universal 
liberty — who  sent  GEORGE  THOMPSON  to  our  shores, 
without  cost  to  ourselves,  that  he  might  labor  for  the 
destruction  of  our  worst  foe — the  foe  of  free  and  right 
eous  government — the  foe  of  God  and  man. 

It  is  necessary  to  bring  this  brief  sketch  to  a  close. 
Having  made  all  suitable  arrangements  for  bis  departure, 
MR.  THOMPSON,  with  his  family,  bade  adieu  to  his  na 
tive  land,  August  17,  1834,  on  board  the  ship  Cham- 
plain.  When  one  week  at  sea,  he  wrote  the  following 
stanzas : 

PRAYER  AT  SEA. 

Eternal  Father  !     God  of  love ! 

Lord  of  the  sea,  and  earth  and  sky  ; 
O  raise  my  heart  to  things  above, 

And  let  my  soul  on  thee  rely. 

To  traverse  now  the  mighty  deep, 

Far  from  the  regions  of  my  birth; 
The  rushing  waters  by  me  sweep, 

And  bear  me  from  my  native  earth: 


IN    ENGLAND. 

But  not  from  Thee  !— Thy  spirit  dwells 

With  man,  howe'er  his  course  may  change; 

Where  verdure  springs,  where  ocean  swells, 
Thy  power,  Thy  providence  doth  range. 

Delightful  thought !  though  tempests  frown, 
And  waves  uplift  their  crests  on  high  ; 

A  Father's  glance  thou  sendest  down, 
Thou  hearest  still  thy  children's  cry. 

Storms,  lightning,  thunders,  all  are  thine; 

All  ministers  to  do  thy  will; 
Thou  dost  their  power,  and  course  define, 

They  hear  thy  mandate,  '  Peace,  be  still  !' 

Then  let  me  in  thy  care  confide, 

Long  as  the  voyage  of  life  shall  last; 
Nor  be  this  humble  prayer  denied — 

*  Father  be  mine  when  life  is  past ! ' 

MR.  THOMPSON  arrived  safely  at  New  York,  Sep 
tember  20,  1834.  The  event  created  much  sensa 
tion  in  the  city,  which  soon  spread  throughout  the 
country.  T  shall  trace  his  career  among  us  in  a  Preface 
to  the  second  volume  of  his  Speeches  and  Letters. 

WM.  LLOYD  GARRISON. 

Boston,  April,  1836. 


XXXIV  MR.    THOMPSON 


The  following  graphic  description  of  MR.  THOMPSON'S 
person  and  oratory  is  copied  from  the  Manchester 
(Eng.)  Times  : 

MR.  THOMPSON. 

The  following  is  the  substance  of  a  correspondent's  reply,  who  \vas  ask 
ed  his  opinion  of  Mr.  Thompson,  as  a  public  speaker,  and  which  we  here 
subjoin  to  our  report  of  his  speech. 

*  With  his  person,  you  are  acquainted — about  five  feet  ten  inches — slen 
der,  yet  firm — a  little  Roman  about  the  nose — a  deep,  dark,  keen  eye — rud 
dy,  though  not  the  delicate  hue  of  the  rose — a  frame,  in  short,  in  which 
health  appears  to  have  taken  up  its  abode — with  the  apparent  agility  of  a 
racer.  Uis  manner  is  always  easy,  though  not  in  every  instance  graceful, 
and  invariably  natural.  His  actions  correspond  with  his  eye,  varied  and 
quick  ;  and  though  redundant,  never  palling,  and  never  offensive  by  being 
awkward.  It  is  impossible  to  pronounce  him  a  finished  speaker,  and  yet 
there  is  that  about  him  which  at  once  disarms  criticism,  and  prevents  you 
from  finding  fault.  There  is  an  energy  which  often  entrenches  on  violence, 
but  it  is  not  energy  throughout ; — it  is  not  the  torrent  over  the  wide  and 
inclined  campaign,  which  sweeps  on  with  one  continued  force; — it  belongs 
more  to  the  flood  among  the  mountains,  rolling  over  tremendous  heights,  and 
in  proportion  to  the  depth  of  its  falls,  again  tossing  its  spray  upward — with 
breaks  and  pauses  among  the  rocks — and  then  murmuring  along  the  plainer 
portions  of  the  country — and  rarely  ever,  in  its  loudest  roar,  its  boldest 
dashes,  distracting  to  the  ear  of  the  by-stander.  The  secret  of  this  is, 
Mr.  Thompson  is  never  vehement,  never  impassioned,  except  incases  where 
truth — from  its  strength,  and  fact — from  its  atrocity  and  other  pecu 
liar  characteristics,  require  it;  then,  and  then  only,  is  he  energetic — 
powerful — overwhelming — almost  oppressive.  His  voice  is,  upon  the  whole, 
sound — though  not  like  the  bell ;  it  is  varied,  full — equally  adapted  to  the 
colloquial,  the  sarcastic,  the  ironical,  the  pleasant,  the  oratorical — in  each 
of  which  he  indulges  ;  affording  the  same  variety  to  the  ear,  which  a  rich 
landscape  exhibits  to  the  eye.  If  his  energy  were  brought  to  bear  upon 
that  of  Dr.  Chalmers,  the  difference  would  be  found  to  exist  in  the  cir 
cumstance  of  the  latter  giving  out  at  greater  lengths  what  the  former  lets 
out  at  intervals  ;  in  the  one,  the  disturbed  air  comes  in  more  frequent  and 
unexpected  gusts;  in  the  other,  the  tempest  is  of  longer  continuance — yet 
both  moving  leaf,  twig,  branch,  and  stem,  of  the  human  forest,  over  which 


IN    ENGLAND.  XXXV 

the  voice  is  permitted  to  pass.  With  considerable  acuteness,  is  combined 
great  strength  of  intellect;  and  though  Mr.  Thompson's  is  nut  a  mind  that 
would  delight  to  enter  into  the  various  subtleties  and  niceties  of  an  ar 
gument — pursuing  it  through  all  its  intricacies,  doublings,  and  bearings — 
ferreting  it  out  of  all  its  lurking  places — and*  keeping  close  to  its  heels  to 
the  very  last,  like  hounds  in  the  chase;  yet  he  possesses  what  is  infinitely 
better  for  his  purpose  and  for  the  occasion — and  this,  by  the  way,  is  no  bad 
proof  of  the  sagacity  of  the  Anti-slavery  Society  in  the  selection  they  have 
made — a  ready  perception  of  evil,  and  a  masculine  grasp.  The  facts  are 
too  glaring — the  subject  too  atrocious,  for  a  profuse  expenditure  of  logic. 
He  proceeds  to  work,  therefore,  like  the  eagle,  who,  on  perceiving  his  prey 
never  for  a  moment,  busies  himself  in  examining  the  plumage,  the  bill,  the 
head,  or  the  tail  of  the  bird  upon  which  he  is  about  to  pounce,  but  views  it 
as  a  whole — makes  one  fell  swoop — clutches  it  at  once — and  bears  it  up, 
writhing  in  very  agony,  till  last  for  ever  to  the  gaze  of  the  spectators. 
There  is  no  delicacy  in  his  handling — a  mode  of  proceeding  that  ought  to 
have  been  commenced  much  earlier;  it  is  prey  that  he  has  to  deal  with — 
prey,  to  be  destroyed — not  for  its  value — but  because  of  its  odiousness,  hav 
ing  been  hurtful  to  the  life  and  property  of  others — and  in  the  destruction 
of  which  the  multitude  are  induced  to  revel.  This  is  the  man  for  the  work. 
If  there  is  a  naked  point,  it  is  seen;  and  though  bare  before,  it  is  still  laid 
•more  bare  to  the  public  eye.  If  deception  has  been  resorted  to,  it  is  expos 
ed.  If  cruelty  has  been  practiced,  the  branding  iron  is  applied.  He  goes 
about  the  business  somewhat  in  the  manner  of  our  friend  Taylor,  of  Old- 
field  lane.  The  case  has  been  in  the  hands  of  others — it  has  been  tamper 
ed  with — it  has  now  become  desperate — life  is  at  stake.  There  is  no  cere 
mony — rank  never  once  occurs  to  the  mind — health  is  the  object — a  few 
twinges  and  writhings  in  the  patient  are  observed,  so  intently  is  the  eye 
fixed  upon  the  grand  object  to  be  attained — health,  perfect  health.  Never, 
never,  did  man,  take  captive  an  audience  sooner  or  more  effectually,  on  the 
slave  question,  than  did  Mr.  Thompson.  He  bore  his  hearers  along  with 
him,  after  first  drawing  them  to  him — relieved  them  every  now  and  then  frora 
an  intensity  of  feeling,  under  which  was  manifested  the  stillness  of  the  tomb, 
the  fixed  eye,  and  the  palpitating  heart,  by  some  lighter,  but  more  graphic 
picture  presented  to  the  imagination,  breaking  out  as  suddenly  as  a  gleam 
of  sunshine,  or  coming  upon  them  as  unexpectedly  as  a  beautiful,  yet  pic 
turesque  scene,  in  a  lovely  valley,  invisible  to  the  tourist,  till  he  is  brought 
in  his  rambles  to  the  verge  of  the  elevated  ground  in  the  vicinity.  He  is 
as  good  a  painler  as  he  is  a  powerful  declaimer,  and  is  logician  enough  for 
the  subject  in  hand  ;  and  modest  as  was  the  designation  of  an  address, 
which  he  gave  to  the  remarks  that  were  made,  it  would  have  pressed  with 
the  weight  of  a  severe  lecture  upon  the  hearts  and  upon  the  understandings 
of  the  least  susceptible,  and  the  least  intellectual,  of  the  anti-abolitionisls, 


XXXVI  MR.    THOMPSON 

had  they  been  present  on    the   occasion;  and  what  was  doubtless   more 
agreeable  to  others,  he  did  not*  read  them  a  lecture.' 

In  speaking  of  Mr.  Thompson's  argumentative  powers,  it  is  by  no  means 
insinuated  that  there  is  any  essential  defect  in  the  manner,  the  process,  or 
the  result  of  his  reasonings.  He  sustains  no  injury  when  it  is  affirmed  that 
he  is  not  a  Locke,  not  a  Reid,  not  a  Beattie,  not  a  Dugald  Stuart.  There 
are  many  gradations  of  intellect  between  a  person  of  respectable  talents 
and  the  first  of  these  masters.  He  may  not  reach  any  of  these,  and  yet  sur 
pass  millions  of  the  human  species.  His  is  not  the  long  and  even  thread  of 
the  finest  spun  cotton,  but  a  logic  of  points  and  angles,  shooting  out  in  un 
expected  directions,  and  excessively  annoying  to  the  persons  against  whom 
it  is  directed.  It  is  the  logic,  not  of  the  study,  but  of  the  market,  the  ex 
change,  and  the  counting-house ;  the  logic,  not  of  the  few,  but  of  the  mul 
titude.  It  is,  in  short,  the  logic  of  the  lightning,  whose  stroke  is  death  to 
the  objection  of  his  opponent,  whose  flush  is  conviction  to  the  observer.* 


THE  SUBSTANCE  OF  A  SPEECH, 

Delivered  in  the  ^Veslcyan  Methodist  Chapel,  Irwell 
Street,  Salford,  Manchester,  (Eng.)  on  Monday,  Au 
gust  V3t/i,  1832:  by  George  Thompson,  Esq.,  being  a 
Reply  to  Mr.  Bortlncick' s  statements  on  the  subject  of 
Slavery. 

MR.  GEORGE  THOMPSON,  who  had  been  delivering  lec 
tures  on  Colonial  Slavery  in  Manchester  and  the  neighbor 
ing  towns,  appeared  in  the  Wesleyan  Chapel,  Irwell  street, 
on  Monday,  August  13,  in  order  to  give  a  reply,  agreeably 
to  advertisement,  to  Mr.  Borthwick,  a  pro-slavery  gentle 
man.  The  moment  Mr.  Thompson  was  recognised,  walk 
ing  along  the  aisle  towards  the  vestry,  a  burst  of  applause 
immediately  proceeded  from  the  auditory.  Precisely  at 
seven  o'clock  he  ascended  the  pulpit,  accompanied  by 
the  Boroughreeve,  William  Hill,  Esq. ;  Mr.  Peter  Clare, 
one  of  the  Secretaries  of  the  Anti-slavery  Society,  and  by 
Mr.  James  Everett,  one  of  the  members  of  the  Committee. 
To  the  latter  was  assigned  the  office  of  arranging  and 
handing  to  the  speaker  the  documentary  papers  requsite  to 
support  the  great  cause  of  humanity.  The  large  and 
beautiful  chapel  was  crowded  with  a  highly  respectable 
auditory  ;  and  never  was  a  speaker  more  enthusiastically 
received — more  attentively  heard — more  feelingly  respond 
ed  to.  Mr.  Borthwick  and  his  friends  sat  immediately 
below  the  speaker. 

MR.  HILL. — Before  I  introduce  the  gentleman  who  is  to 
address  you  this  evening  1  have  one  observation  to  make. 
A  party  o-f  gentlemen  have  done  me  the  honor  to  address 
a  note  to  me,  inquiring  whether  the  discussion  will  be 
confined  to  the  gentleman  who  is  to  address  you.  As  I 
have  not  had  the  opportunity  of  a  personal  interview  with 
these  gentlemen,  I  beg  leave  to  state,  that  the  discussion 
here  will  be  confined  to  Mr.  Thompson  alone,  and  if  any 
gentleman  has  any  thing  to  say,  afterwards,  I  shall  be 
happy  to  see  him  either  in  the  vestry,  or  at  my  house. 
With  these  few  observations  I  beg  to  introduce  to  you 
4 


38  LECTURE 

George  Thompson,  Esq.,  the  advocate  of  the  Anti-slavery 
Society. 

MR.  THOMPSON  here  stepped  to  the  front  of  the  pulpit, 
and  was  again  received  with  deafening  cheers.  As  soon  as 
these  had  subsided,  he  addressed  his  audience  as  fol 
lows  : — 

I  think  I  may  assume  that  all  here  are  fully  acquainted 
with  the  circumstances  under  which  we  are  met  this  even 
ing.  This  is  the  fifth  time  I  have  had  the  honor  of  ap 
pearing  before  a  Manchester  and  Salford  auditory.  For 
1 1  months  previously  to  my  coming  here,  I  had  been  rapidly 
travelling  through  the  south-western  and  other  parts  of 
England,  and  I  think  I  may  safely  leave  it  to  you,  whether 
or  not  I  am  a  friend  to  the  safe  and  immediate  abolition  of 
slavery.  I  came  to  Manchester  humbly  and  zealously, 
but  sincerely  and  upon  Christian  principles,  to  discuss  the 
great,  the  momentous,  the  high  moral  question,  whether 
slavery—whether  British  colonial  slavery— shall  continue,  or 
whether  there  is  humanity  enough, — self  denial  enough, — 
zeal  enough,  sufficient  Christianity  in  British  bosoms,  and 
sufficient  security  in  British  arms  and  British  religion,  to 
do  our  duty,  to  open  the  door  of  the  prison  house,  and  '  bid 
the  oppressed  go  free.'  How  I  have  discharged  my  duty 
you  are  all  witnesses. 

I  have  caluminated  no  man.  When  I  opened  my  mis 
sion  I  simply  contended  that  slavery  was  an  evil  in  the 
sight  of  GOD,  and  that  therefore  it  ought  to  be  immedi 
ately  and  forever  abolished.  It  has  been  laid  to  rny 
charge  that  I  have  spoken  of  the  absent.  I  confess  it. 
I  have  spoken  of  the  755,000  distressed  human  beings 
who  are  absent,  and  cannot  therefore  plead  their  own 
cause;  who  are  distant,  and  have  no  meansof  making  their 
complaints  heard  across  the  wide  Atlantic  ;  who  have  no  60 
or  70  members  in  the  House  of  Commons  to  represent 
their  interests,  (cheers  ;)  who  have  no  paid  agents,  (great 
cheering)  in  Berkley  square,  in  Cavendish  square,  and  in 
Whitehall  place ;  who  have  no  one  that  can  drive  down 
in  his  carriage  to  Downing  street,  and  threaten  the  minis 
ter,  if  he  do  not  do  this  or  that,  he  will  withhold  his  in 
fluence  and  support  from  him.  (Cheers.)  They  have  no 
friends  like  these.  Their  friends  are  they  who  are  influ 
enced  alone  by  religion,  by  humanity,  by  a  sense  of  duty. 


AT    SALFORD.  39 

and  by  a  remembrance  of  that  day  which  to  all  is  fast  ap 
proaching,  when  they  will  be  called  upon  to  say  how  they 
have  conducted  themselves  towards  these  unfortunate 
beings.  (Cheers.)  The  time  is  fast  coming  when,  having 
crossed  the  river  of  death,  there  will  be  none  whose  suffer 
ings  you  can  mitigate,  no  sick  to  relieve,  none  to  whom 
you  can  give  advice  and  consolation  ;  then  for  ever  will 
the  destines  of  man  be  fixed,  and  he  who  is  'unholy  will 
be  unholy  still.' 

But  peradventure,  with  this  good  cause  before  us,  we 
may  not  live  in  vain  ;  we  may  perhaps  still  do  something 
to  relieve  our  country  from  the  foul  stain  that  avarice  and 
despotism  have  brought  upon  it;  and  so  discharge  our 
duty,  as  to  receive  from  the  lip  of  our  friend  the  approv 
ing  words,  '  Well  done  thou  good  and  faithful  servant.' 

I  have  done  all  in  my  power  to  induce  this  feeling,  and 
I  have  been  well  received  ;  but  it  was  reserved  for  me  to 
visit  Manchester  before  I  found  out  my  real  importance. 
Here  I  found  myself  of  such  consequence  as  to  be  visited 
by  three  hired  advocates  from  the  West  India  planters,  who 
came,  strangely  came,  with  West  India  money  in  their 
pockets,  to  do — what?  To  be  convinced,  forsooth. 
(Laughter.)  This  is  a  strange  occurrence,  than  which  I 
never  met  with  a  stranger,  that  they  should  send  their 
three  principal  agents  to  be  convinced  by  George  Thomp 
son.  Bat  it  is  hard  to  find  the  way  to  a  man's  understanding 
through  his  breeches  pocket;  it  is  like  a  man's  coming  to 
be  convinced,  who,  if  he  be  convinced,  shall  have  his  ra 
tions  stopped.  However,  if  it  should  come  to  pass  that 
they  are  convinced,  and  that  they  write  to  St.  James' 
street,  and  say  they  are  converts  to  the  opinions  of  the  vast 
majority — do  I  speak  truly  or  not? — (cheers,)  of  the  90 
out  of  100,  or  of  999  out  of  1000;  why  then,  I  say,  it  would 
be  noble  ;  and  let  them  trust  for  their  porridge  to  the  mercy 
of  Providence,  or  trust  to  the  eleemosynary  bounty  of  man 
kind  for  means  to  prevent  the  necessity  of  their  having  oc 
casion  to  do  such  dirty  work,  as  to  endeavor  to  perpetuate 
the  system  of  negro  slavery.  (Applause.)  But  this  was 
not  sufficient ;  by  some  hocus-pocus,  I  suddenly  find  my 
self  visited  by  an  old  friend  from  Nottingham,  in  the  char 
acter  of  a  West  India  planter,  and  by  the  '  merest  acci 
dent/  no  doubt,  by  two  or  three  gentlemen  from  Liverpool, 


40  LECTURE 

who,  with  most,  stentorian  lungs,  made  a  very  beautiful  and 
hearty  chorus,  by  calling  out,  ever  and  anon,  '  hear,  hear, 
hear,  hear.'  (Laughter.)  1  say  by  the  '  strangest  acci 
dent/  by  the  strangest  combination  of  circumstances  that 
ever  I  met  with,  I  suddenly  find  myself  visited  by  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  West  India  Association;  by  two  other  gen 
tlemen,  by  a  planter  from  Nottingham  and  by  several  gen 
tlemen  from  Liverpool,  but  how  many  deponent  sayeth  not. 
However,  thanks  to  the  railroad,  these  gentlemen  hear  of 
my  lecture  in  Manchester,  and,  by  the  power  of  steam,  are 
here  in  a  pig's  whisper.  (Laughter.)  Then  come  the 
eventful  scenes  of  the  lecture  night,  and  I  am  asked  by 
Mr.  Borthwick,  ;If  there  be  any  thing  in  your  address  to 
which  I  object,  may  I  have  the  liberty  to  reply  ? ' — to 
which  I  answered,  'I  had  no  objection;  but  I  said  that 
the  room  was  engaged,  and  the  meeting  called  for  a  spe 
cific  purpose.'  I  said,  however,  that,  '  he  had  power  to  do 
as  I  had  done,  if  he  could  find  friends  to  meet  him.'  Well, 
I  delivered  that  lecture,  and  received  an  intimation  that  a 
reply  would  be  given  ;  that  my  lecture  was  not  liked  ;  and 
that  the  individual  would  really,  and  truly,  and  clearly 
make  a  reply  to  it.  But  out  of  the  nine  distinct  portions 
of  that  lecture  one  only  was  touched  upon  and  the  rest  for 
gotten.  Certainly  in  this  age  of  accidents  this  was  very 
natural,  particularly  when  the  gentleman  had  come  all  the 
way  from  London,  one  hundred  and  seventy  miles,  to  de 
liver  a  speech  which  had  been  retailed  there,  I  don't 
know  how  many  times.  But  the  great  charge  against  me 
was,  that  I  dared  to  caluminate  absent  individuals,  the 
West  India  planters,  the  merchants  and  the  mortgagees  of 
West  India  property.  I  call  upon  all  who  heard  me  then, 
to  say  if  that  charge  be  true.  I  stand  here  not  to  calum 
niate  a  single  individual,  not  to  vituperate  a  single  indi 
vidual  ;  but  I  stand  here  to  discuss,  without  animosity  to 
any  man,  the  great  question  of  British  Colonial  Slavery. 
However,  in  defiance  of  truth,  it  was  assumed  that  I  had 
calumniated  absent  individuals,  and  that  he  would  not  else 
have  been  there.  Is  that  charge  true  ?  I  merely  took  the 
position,  that  slavery  is  an  evil  in  the  sight  of  GOD,  and 
ought  to  be  immediately  and  forever  abolished.  To  this 
no  distinct  reply  was  given.  You  all  remember  the  theo- 
ological  portion  of  his  discourse.  I  shall  shortly  come  to 


AT    SALFORD.  41 

speak  of  him  as  a  theologian.  The  next  position  I  took 
was,  that  we  ought  to  love  our  neighbor  as  ourselves;  that 
we  ought  to  apply  the  golden  rule,  of  '  doing  unto  others 
as  we  would  that  others  should  do  unto  us ; '  and  that  we 
ought  to  '  remember  those  that  are  in  bonds  as  bound  with 
them.'  Has  this  been  replied  to  ?  It  has  only  been  glanc 
ed  at ;  and  you  will  perceive,  that  by  the  '  merest  acci 
dent/  all  the  rest  of  my  discourse  was  forgotten.  There 
was  no  reply  ;  yet  REPLY  was  the  largest  word  in  his 
placard  calling  the  meeting.  There  was  also  a  quotation 
of  scripture  on  his  card.  I  like  the  gentleman's  going  to 
the  Bible  for  quotations.  His  quotation  is  : — '  He  that  is 
first  in  his  own  cause  seemeth  just;  but  his  neighbor  com- 
eth  and  searcheth  him.'  Why  then  did  he  not  do  his  duty? 
I  charge  him  with  a  gross  dereliction  of  his  duty, — he  has 
not  searched  me  ;  would  that  he  had,  instead  of  delivering 
those  stale  and  trumpery  arguments  in  palliation  of  slavery, 
which  have  been  delivered  from  time  immemorial,  and  en 
deavoring  to  render  our  industrious  artizans  discontented 
by  allusions  to  the  'four  parlors  and  the  saloon'  of  the 
negro.  However,  we  will  forgive  this  if  he  will  mend  his 
manners,  and  go  on  with  his  duty  of  searching  me.  If  he 
chooses  to  go  to  Proverbs  I  could  remark  that  we  were  not 
the  first  in  the  cause.  No,  it  was  the  man  stealer,  the 
blood-thirsty  money-getting  British  merchant.  They  were 
the  first ;  and  we  are  come  to  search  them.  However,  I 
will  make  no  further  comment  upon  that  portion  of  scrip 
ture,  but  refer  him  to  another  in  the  same  book,  Proverbs, 
1st  chapter  10th  to  16th  verses  : — 

*  My  son  if  sinners  entice  thee,  consent  thou  not. 

'  If  they  say,  Corne  with  us,  let  us  lay  wait  for  blood,  let  us  lurk  privily 
for  the  innocent  without  cause: 

'  Let  us  swallow  them  up  alive  as  the  grave  ',  and  whole,  as  those  that 
go  down  into  the  pit: 

'  We  shall  find  all  precious  substance,  we  shall  fill  our  houses  with  spoil : 

'  Cast  in  thy  lot  among  us ;   let  us  all  have  one  purse. 

'My  son,  walk  not  the  in  the  way  with  them;  refrain  thy  foot  from 
their  path: 

'  For  their  feet  run  to  evil,  and  make  haste  to  shed  blood.' 

I'  Well  then,  the  conclusion  I  drew,  from  the  premises 
already  stated  was,  that  if  there  was  in  our  minds  any  re 
cognition  of  the  authority  of  the  scriptures,  and  in  our 
hearts  any  disposition  to  adopt  them  as  principles  of  human 
conduct,  then  all  worldly  considerations  ought  to  sink 
4* 


42  LECTURE 

into  insignificance,  while  interposing  between  us  and  a 
paramount  duty.  Has  this  been  refuted  ?  No;  it  has  not 
been  noticed.  Again;  I  went  on  to  explain  the  objects 
of  the  meeting,  which  were  to  seek  the  immediate  and  to 
tal  extinction  of  slavery  ;  not,  observe,  the  destruction  of 
the  planters,  not  the  spoliation  of  property,  not  the  injury 
of  commerce,  not  to  deprive  the  widow  and  the  fatherless 
of  their  pittance,  but  the  accomplishment  of  a  plan  of  re 
demption,  both  for  the  oppressor  and  the  oppressed  ;  of  the 
former  from  the  demoralizing  influence  of  the  system  upon 
him,  and  of  the  latter  from  the  degredation  and  misery  in 
separable  from  a  state  of  abject  servitude.  Was  this  im 
proper?  has  its  impropriety  been  shewn  in  the  way  of 
reply  ?  No.  The  gentleman  declared  again  and  again 
that  he  agreed  with  me,  and  yet  we  are  at  dagger's  points. 
He  took  precisely  the  same  ground  as  I  did,  except  that 
abolition  should  not  be  immediate.  That  it  should  be 
done,  BUT  NOT  NOW.  I  am  an  abolitionist.  He  is  an 
abolitionist ;  and  yet,  though  we  differ  on  so  few  points, 
'  I  will  pursue  you,'  s^id  this  very  man,  'from  place  to 
place  like  your  evil  genius.'  But  there  appears  to  be  a 
whole  host  of  genii.  My  cry  is,  '  a  clear  stage  and  a  fair 
hearing,'  and  then  come  on,  come  on,  come  on  !  (Loud 
cheers.)  Ay,  though  you  have  the  whole  of  the  West 
India  committee  at  your  heels,  come  on!  With  this  book 
(the  Bible)  in  my  hand — with  slavery  and  chains,  and 
Christians  for  the  slave's  masters,  I  shall  never  fear  the 
issue  of  the  contest.  What  was  my  next  point!  I  de 
nounced  slavery  as  unjust  and  iniquitous  in  its  origin, 
its  progress  and  present  operations,  and  1  appealed  to  Jer- 
emie.  And  here  let  me  get  my  friend  to  put  down  that 
word.  Jeremie,  Jeremie,  Jeremie.  But  not  a  word  of 
Jeremie  did  we  hear  from  him.  I  appealed  to  Jeremie's 
Essays  on  Colonial  Slavery,  pages  5,  6,  7  and  8,  and  has 
any  reply  been  offered  by  way  of  invalidating  the  testi 
mony  of  an  eye  and  ear  witness!  No.  I  appealed  to  the 
same  testimony,  page  102,  in  reference  to  West  India 
insurrections  :  has  this  been  disproved?  Have  you 
met  with  a  reply  ?  No.  What  did  I  glance  at  next  ?  I 
spoke  of  the  massacre  of  about  2,000  negroes,  of  the  de 
molition  of  chapels,  of  the  persecution  of  missionaries,  of 
Church  Colonial  Unions  for  the  banishment  of  all  sectari- 


AT    SALFORD.  43 

ans,  of  the  conduct  of  white  magistrates,  white  planters, 
arid  white  militiamen,  who  engaged  in  those  bloody  trans 
actions.  I  spoke  of  the  treatment  of  Mr.  Knibb's  deacon, 
who  was  flogged  and  ironed  for  praying  that  GOD  would 
support  his  Christian  minister.  I  referred  to  extracts  from 
Jamaica  papers,  particularly  the  '  Christian  Record,'  a 
Jamaica  periodical.  And  was  I  replied  to?  No.  After 
all  the  ferocious  conduct  of  these  Jamaica  individuals,  not 
one  of  these  disinterested  West  Indian  agents, — not  one 
of  these  friends  to  the  abolition  of  slavery,  has  lifted  up 
his  voice  to  denounce  these  infernal  proceedings  in  the 
Island  of  Jamaica.  This  speaks  volumes.  Believe  them 
if  you  will  ;  believe  that  they  are  with  the  negro  ;  believe 
that  they  would  give  their  whole  heart  and  hand  to  the 
abolition  of  slavery,  when  not  one  of  them  has  lifted  up  his 
voice  against  the  wanton  destruction  of  the  negro,  or  the 
fiend-like  persecution  of  the  missionary  ! 

On  the  practice  of  slavery,  I  spoke  of  five  negroes  who 
had  been  flogged  for  picking  grass,  and  would  have  expos 
ed  themselves  to  the  same  punishment  if  they  had  diso 
beyed  orders;  a  case  published  in  the  '  Christian  Record.' 
Has  this  been  answered  1  No :  he  spoke  only  of  the  four 
parlors  and  saloon  of  the  negro.  There  he  stuck,  and 
never  went  beyond  its  confines  in  his  speech.  I  read 
part  of  thirty-four  advertisements  for  runaway  negroes, 
and  he  spoke  of  the  condition  of  English  laborers.  I  spoke 
of  brand-marks,  of  sabre-rnarks,  of  flogging,  and  of  the 
loss  of  fingers  and  toes,  and  challenged  him  to  produce 
any  portion  of  the  community  to  exhibit  appearances  like 
these.  Was  there  any  reply  to  this  1  Not  a  syllable  was 
granted  to  me.  I  stated  next  that  the  argument  of  danger 
was  fallacious.  I  said  they  saw  no  danger  in  building 
ships,  in  manning  them  with  British  seamen,  in  paying  for 
them  with  British  money — no  danger  in  burning  towns, 
stealing  the  inhabitants,  throwing  them  into  the  sea,  pack 
ing  them  up  in  hogsheads,  and  in  continuing  the  system  of 
Colonial  Slavery  ;  but  they  profess  to  see  dangers  in  liber 
ating  the  slave,  though  protected  by  British  troops,  a  pow 
erful  militia,  a  numerous  and  loyal  free  black  popula 
tion,  British  laws,  a  British  Governor,  a  House  of  Assem 
bly,  and  all  the  encouragement  and  protection  which 
humanity,  justice,  and  religion  can  afford.  Was  there  any 


44  LECTURE 

reply  to  this  ?  Not  a  word.  I  stated  that  compensation 
was  the  ground  of  their  opposition  ;  that  the  planters 
wished  to  make  a  market  of  slavery  ;  that  those  concerned 
were  determined  to  sell  it  as  dear  as  possible  ;  and  that 
they  were  now  striving  to  wring  from  the  humanity  of 
the  people  of  England  a  last  price  for  the  abandonment  of 
the  system.  Has  there  been  any  reply  to  this  ?  No. 

I  will  presently  show  that  this  representative  of  the 
West  India  body  absolutely  put  the  members  of  that  body 
beyond  the  pale  of  compensation  ;  proved  that  they  would 
be  infinite  gainers  by  emancipation,  and  that  they  would 
be  dishonest  and  avaricious  in  the  extreme,  if  they  should 
claim  indemnification  for  the  liberation  of  those  whom  this 
advocate  declared  were  already  a  cause  of  loss  to  their 
owners.  But  I  will  tell  that  gentleman  why  his  party  asks 
compensation.  They  know  the  people  of  this  country 
anxiously  desire  the  extinction  of  slavery  ;  they  know  that 
the  humane,  and  the  benevolent,  and  the  pious,  would  not 
hesitate  to  make  some  pecuniary  sacrifice  to  get  rid  of  the 
odious  blot,  and  therefore  they  have  determined  to  make  the 
best  feelings  of  our  nature  subserve  the  gratification  of  their 
cupidity.  We  all  know  that  the  most  virtuous  and  amiable 
of  men  are  frequently  made  the  dupes  of  the  designing,  that 
'  honest  men  are  the  soft  easy  chusions  on  which  knave,1? 
repose  and  fatten  ; '  and  acting  upon  this,  they  will  seek 
to  make  the  awakened  feelings  of  your  bosoms  in  behalf 
of  the  captive,  add  to  the  weight  of  their  unhallowed  purse. 
My  opponent  thought  proper  to  give  a  bill  payable  on 
Tuesday  evening  last.  That  bill  was  seen  upon  every 
wall  in  the  neighborhood,  duly  accepted  and  made  paya 
ble  at  the  Town  Hall,  Salford;  but  lo  !  when  the  time 
came,  and  a  large  auditory  assembled  to  witness  the  hon 
oring  of  the  draft,  there  were  no  '  effects,'  although  the 
acceptor  was  surrounded  by  many  friends  ;  yet  in  the  time 
of  need  they  could  not  muster  enough  of  the  needful,  to 
save  their  West  India  advocate  from  insolvency,  and  he 
now  appears  before  you  to  take  the  benefit  of  the  act. 
(Immense  cheering  and  laughter.) 

I  had  divided  my  address  upon  the  previous  evening 
into  several  distinct  and  independent. branches,  and  there 
by  afforded  them  an  opportunity  of  dividing  and  subdivid 
ing  the  work  of  reply  amongst  them,  if  it  were  found  too 


AT    SALFORD.  45 

gigantic  for  one.  And,  if  they  have  read  Adam  Smith 
upon  the  advantages  to  be  derived  from  a  division  of  labor, 
it  is  wonderful  they  did  not  avail  themselves  of  his  philoso 
phy  on  the  night  of  reply.  The  task  might  then,  perhaps, 
have  been  accomplished.  To  Mr.  Borthwick  might  have 
been  assigned  the  theological  divsion,  together  with  the 
less  grave,  and  more  grateful  duty  of  complimenting  the 
ladies  ;  Mr.  Peart  might  have  undertaken  to  show  the 
practice  of  slavery  in  the  Colonies;  Mr.  Saintsbury  a  vin 
dication  of  the  purity,  piety,  and  perfect  disinterestedness 
of  the  St.  James  street  Committee;  Mr.  Shand,  the  claims 
of  the  shipping  interest  of  Liverpool,  and  Mr.  Franklin 
might  have  closed  the  evening's  entertainment  by  the  ex 
hibition  of  a  pro-slavery  panoramic  illustration  of  the 
principal  events  in  the  history  of  the  system  from  the 
time  of  Elizabeth  downwards. — I  was  careful  to  give  the 
gentleman  my  definition  of  immediate  emancipation,  and 
stated  it  distinctly — not  that  it  was  a  freedom  from  law — 
not  that  it  was  a  freedom  from  labor — not  that  it  was 
a  freedom  to  destroy  each  other,  and  to  unite  to  destroy 
their  masters — that  I  pleaded  only  for  a  legislative  enact 
ment,  abolishing  the  unnatural  right  of  property  in  the 
bodies  and  souls  of  men  and  their  posterity,  and  a  substi 
tution,  at  the  same  time,  of  public,  judicial,  and  responsi 
ble  authority,  for  private,  arbitrary,  and  irresponsible 
control.  That  was  all  I  asked,  and  all,  1  contend,  we 
mean  by  immediate  abolition.  They  are  now  governed 
by  the  planters,  than  whom,  to  govern,  there  is  not  a  more 
unfit  class  of  men  in  the  world.  Is  there  no  wisdom  in 
the  House  of  Commons — is  there  no  wisdom  in  the  House 
of  Assembly— can  none  but  planters  govern  the  negro  ? 
I  contend  that  neither  a  Wilbeforce,  nor  a  Howard  ought 
to  have  arbitrary  control  or  power  over  his  fellow-man  ; 
that  no  man  should  be  allowed,  at  his  caprice,  to  scourge 
his  servant.  What  is  the  security  of  our  property  and  our 
lives,  but  that  men  shall  not  be  judges  in  their  own  cause, 
(hear,  hear,)  that  they  shall  be  compelled  to  appeal  to  an 
unpacked  jury  to  prove  their  innocence  or  guilt?  Cut, 
in  the  West  India  islands,  there  are  planters  for  judges, 
planters  for  magistrates,  planters  for  juries,  and  planters 
for  witnesses  ;  all  '  lords  of  the  ascendant.'  Yet  it  was 
Asserted  by  JVJr.  Borthwick  the  other  night,  that  there  \va.§ 


46  LECTURE 

an  equal  law  both  for  the  slave  and  the  planter,  and  it 
seems  I  acted  contra  bones  mores  in  crying  '  No,  No,  No  !  ' 
Now  for  my  reply.  I  will  not  do  as  he  did,  forget  the 
discourse  I  am  professing  to  reply  to.  I  will  track  him 
close  through  every  lane — step  by  step.  I  will  begin  at 
the  beginning,  and  will  not  leave  off  till  I  get  to  the  end. 
I  shall  have  anticipated  some  portions  of  this  reply,  but  I 
will  begin.  He  said, '  I  appear  here  as  the  representative 
of  a  large  and  influential  body.'  Some  one  inquired 
what  body  he  did  represent?  and  he  replied,  '  The  West 
Indian  body.'  He  said  that  the  planters  had  been  calum 
niated.  I  had  said,  emphatically,  it  was  against  the  sys 
tem  only  that  I  raised  my  voice — my  desire  was  to  raise 
the  slave,  whose  immortal  destiny  is  like  my  own — that 
Christian  men  should  have  fellowship  with  him — that  they 
should  sympathise  with  him,  and  that  no  slave  should  be 
found  in  the  British  dominions.  (Cheers.)  The  next 
assertion  of  my  Hon.  Opponent  was,  that  it  was  not  a 
question  of  passion,  but  of  policy.  With  them  it  is  a  ques 
tion  of  policy, — unmixed  policy.  We  commence  with 
duty — they  commence  with  policy.  Then,  again,  he  said, 
it  was  not  a  question  of  imagination,  but  a  question  of  re 
ligion.  We  shall  presently  come  to  the  religious  part  of 
the  question.  He  said  also  it  was  a  question  of  right  be 
tween  man  and  man.  I  like  that  position  uncommonly 
well.  We  will  take  it  for  our  motto,  and  inscribe  it  on 
our  banners,  which  shall  be  waved  in  England,  Ireland, 
and  Scotland,  <  RIGHT  BETWEEN  MAN  AND  MAN.' 
(Cheers.)  Let  it  be  so  discussed.  But  here  we  are  at 
issue  on  the  question  of  rights,  for  they  plead  for  the 
right  to  do  as  they  like  with  their  fellow-beings.  But  a 
greater  man  than  I,  or  that  gentleman  has  said — and 
when  you  have  applauded  the  sentiment  I  will  tell  you  the 
name  of  the  author  : — 

'Tell  me  not  of  rights — talk  not  of  the  property  of  the  planter  in  his 
slaves.  I  deny  the  right — I  acknowledge  not  the  property.  The  princi 
ples,  the  feelings  of  our  common  nature,  rise  in  rebellion  against  it.  Be 
the  appeal  made  to  the  understanding  or  to  the  heart,  the  sentence  is  the 
Fame  that  rejects  it.  In  vain  you  tell  me  of  the  laws  that  sanction  such  a 
chum  !  There  is  a  law  above  all  the  enactments  of  human  codes — the  same 
throughout  the  world,  the  same  in  all  times — such  as  it  was  before  the  dar 
ing  genius  of  Columbus  pierced  the  night  of  ages,  and  opened  to  one  world, 
sources  of  power,  wealth  and  knowledge  ;  to  another,  all  unutterable  woes; 
— such  it  is  at  this  day :  it  is  the  law  written  by  the  finger  of  God  on  the 


AT    SALFORD.  47 

heart  of  man;  and  by  that  law,  eternal  and  unchangeable,  while  men  des 
pise  fraud,  and  loathe  rapine,  and  abhor  blood,  they  shall  reject  with  indig 
nation  the  wild  and  guilty  phantasy,  that  man  can  hold  property  in  man  ! 
In  vain  you  appeal  to  treaties,  to  covenants  between  nations.  The  cove 
nants  of  the  Almighty,  whether  the  old  covenant  or  the  new,  denounce  such 
unholy  pretensions.  To  those  laws  did  they  of  old  refer,  who  maintained 
the  African  slave  trade.  Such  treaties  did  they  cite,  and  not  untruly;  for 
by  one  shameful  compact  you  bartered  the  glories  of  Blenheim  for  the  traffic 
in  blood.  Yet,  in  despite  of  law  and  of  treaty,  that  infernal  traffic  is  now 
destroyed,  and  its  votaries  put  to  death  like  other  pirates.  How  came  this 
change  to  pass!  Not  assuredly  by  Parliament  leading  the  way  ;  but  the  coun 
try  at  length  awoke;  the  indignation  of  the  people  was  kindled;  it  descen 
ded  in  thunder,  and  smote  the  traffic,  and  scattered  its  guilty  profits  to  the 
wind.  Now  then,  let  the  planters  beware — let  their  assemblies  beware — 
let  the  government  at  home  beware — let  the  Parliament  beware  !  The  same 
country  is  once  more  awake, — awake  to  the  condition  of  negro  slavery;  the 
same  indignation  kindles  in  the  bosom  of  the  same  people;  the  same  cloud 
is  gathering  that  annihilated  the  slave  trade:  an;l,  if  it  shall  descend  again, 
they,  on  whom  its  crash  may  fall,  will  not  be  destroyed  before  I  have  warn 
ed  them:  but  I  pr.'iy  that  their  destruction  may  turn  away  from  us  the 
more  terrible  judgments  of  God.' 

And  now  for  the  author — Lord  Brougham.  (Loud  and 
Jong  continued  cheering.)  Ay,  the  man  who,  from  his 
early  days,  has  been  ardently  attached  to  civil  and  relig 
ious  liberty,  and  who  had  said, 

'  If  you  place  in  my  hands  the  sacred  trust  of  representing  you  in  the 
Commons  House  of  Parliament,  you  arm  me  with  power  to  complete  the  good 
work  which  we  have  begun  together,  nor  will  I  rest  from  my  labors  until, 
by  the  blessing  of  GOD,  I  have  seen  an  end  of  the  abuses  which  bind  Eng 
land  to  the  ground,  and  the  mists  dispersed  from  the  eyes  of  the  ignorant, 
and  the  chains  drop  from  the  hands  of  the  slave!'' 

That  man  is  still  alive.  Cheer  him  on  to  victory — hold 
up  his  hands — strengthen  his  heart — give  him  PUBLIC 
OPINION  (tremendous  cheering)  as  his  fulcrum,  and  upon  it 
he  will  move  the  odious  and  detestable  fabric  to  its  foun 
dation  ;  but  when  it  tumbles  to  the  ground,  I  hope  that 
not  one  of  the  gentlemen  from  St.  James's  street  will  fall 
beneath  its  ruins.  My  Hon.  Opponent  ventured  forth  an 
other  maxim,  and  what  was  that?  A  question  of  mercy, 
forsooth,  to  the  slave!  What!  is  it  mercy  to  annihilate 
the  slave — is  it  mercy  to  keep  him  in  slavery,  though  you 
are  told,  in  an  accent  of  mercy,  that  he  has  got  'four  par 
lors  and  a  saloon  ?'  (Cheers.)  Is  it  mercy  to  let  him 
now  so  live  that  his  whole  race  shall  be  extinct  in 
fifty  years — in  a  condition  in  which  they  are  dying  so 
fast,  that,  in  half  a  century,  not  one  of  the  descendants 
of  the  present  generation  will  be  found  ?  Is  this  mercy  ? 
I  again  ask,  though  we  are  told,  with  so  much  emphasis, 


48  LECTURE 

that  the  slave  has  '  four  parlors  and  a  saloon  ?  '  Mr.  Borth- 
wick  asserted  that  the  master  could  have  no  possible  mo 
tive  for  flogging  his  slave.  He  appeared  quite  panic- 
struck  at  the  mere  idea  that  the  master  could  flog  his  slave 
to  death.  Now  I  will  give  this  gentleman  a  few  facts. 
If  the  slaves  are  not  murdered  by  any  other  means,  they 
are  murdered  by  what  is  very  properly  called  economical 
oppression.  Had  he  been  at  my  former  lectures  he  would 
have  heard  me  prove  that  the  planters  cannot  be  humane 
if  they  would — that  they  cannot  in  all  cases  clothe  and 
sustain  the  slaves,  and  that  it  is  impossible  in  the  present 
condition  of  the  colonies  to  do  them  justice.  He  would 
have  heard  that  the  majority  of  them  lodge  in  miserable 
cabins:  if  he  does  not  know  it,  he  ought  to  know  it,  and 
it  is  a  pity  that  a  deputation  from  St.  James's  street  should 
come  to  Manchester  to  learn  how  the  slaves  in  the  West 
Indies  are  treated.  (Cheers.)  I  will  quote  this  gentle 
man's  own  words  : — '  It  is  not  rational  to  believe  that  under 
any  circumstances  a  master  would  flog  his  slave  to  death. 
It  would  be  the  destruction  of  his  own  property,  and  an 
act  of  wantonness  and  folly  not  conceivable,'  and  yet  im 
mediately  afterwards,  to  show,  if  possible,  that  the  charac 
ter  of  slavery  has  changed  for  the  better,  he  makes  quota 
tions  which  completely  subvert  his  own  argument.  He 
(Mr.  Borthwick)  alluded  to  a  pamphlet  which  I  now  hold 
in  my  hand.  Here  are  these  boasted  authorities  ;  and  '  out 
of  thy  own  mouth  will  I  condemn  thee.'  (Cheers.)  First, 
therefore,  he  calls  upon  us  to  reject  the  notion,  that  a  mas 
ter  under  any  circumstances  can  be  induced  to  destroy  a 
slave,  and  yet  shows,  that  in  one  establishment,  400  slaves 
were  put  to  death  for  the  fault  of  one.*  (Applause.)  The 
gentleman  may  take  all  the  advantage  of  this,  The  case 
I  am  now  about  to  quote  has  never  been  mentioned  by  me 
before.  It  is  the  celebrated  case  of  the  Mosses,  and  since 
the  honorable  gentleman  cannot  conceive  any  circum 
stance  which  could  induce  a  master  or  mistress  to  flog  a 
slave  to  death,  he  shall  have  the  benefit  of  it.  I  quote  the 


*  Mr.  Thompson  here  referred  to  a  pro-slavery  pamphlet,  quoted  by  Mr. 
Borthwick,  'entitled  British  Colonial  Slavery  compared  with  the  Slavery 
of  Pagan  antiquity. 


AT    SALFORD.  49 

words  of  that  amiable  man,  Mr  Huskisson,  whom,  I  have 
no  doubt,  you  all  admired  and  deplored.  In  a  communi 
cation  to  the  Colonies  he  says, 

'  Kate  was  a  domestic  slave,  and  is  stated  to  have  been  guilty  of  theft ; 
she  is  also  accused  of  disobedience,  in  refusing  to  mend  her  clothes  and  do 
her  work,  and  this  was  the  more  immediate  cause  of  her  punishment.  On 
the  22dof  July,  1826,  she  was  confined  in  the  stocks,  and  she  was  not  re 
leased  till  the  8th  of  August  following,  being  a  period  of  seventeen  days. 
The  stocks  were  so  constructed,  that  she  could  not  sit  up  and  lie  down  at 
pleasure,  and  she  remained  in  them  night  and  day.  During  this  period  she 
was  flogged  repeatedly,  one  of  the  overseers  thinks  about  six  times,  and  red 
pepper  was  rubbed  upon  her  eyes  to  prevent  her  sleeping.  Tasks  were  given 
her  which,  in  the  opinion  of  the  same  overseer,  she  was  incapable  of  perform 
ing;  sometimes  because  they  were  beyond  her  powers,  at  other  times  be 
cause  she  could  not  see  to  do  them  on  account  of  the  pepper  having  been 
rubbed  on  her  eyes :  and  she  was  flogged  for  failing  to  accomplish  these 
tasks.  A  violent  distemper  had  been  prevalent  on  the  plantation  during 
the  summer.  It  is  in  evidence,  that  on  one  of  the  days  of  Kate's  confine 
ment  she  complained  of  fever,  and  that  one  of  the  floggings  which  she  re- 
cived  was  the  day  after  she  had  made  this  complaint.  When  she  was 
taken  out  of  the  stocks  she  appeared  cramped,  and  was  then  again  flogged. 
The  very  day  of  her  release  she  was  sent  to  field-labor,  (though  heretofore 
a  house  servant,)  and  on  the  evening  of  the  third  day  ensuing  was  brought 
before  her  owners  as  being  ill  and  refusing  to  work,  and  she  then  again 
complained  of  having  had  fever.  They  were  of  opinion  that  she  had  nont- 
then,  but  gave  directions  to  the  driver  if  she  should  be  ill  to  bring  her  to 
them  for  medicines  in  the  morning.  The  driver  took  her  to  the  negro- 
house,  and  again  flogged  her;  though,  at  this  time,  apparently,  without  or 
ders  from  her  owners  to  do  so.  In  the  morning,  nt  seven  o'clock,  she  was 
taken  to  work  in  the  field,  where  she  died  at  noon.' 

[During  the  reading  of  the  above  extract,  the  strongest 
possible  indignation  was  manifested  by  the  auditory.] 

Mr.  Borthwick  says,  'if  a  man  steals  in  this  country 
you  hang  him  ;  but  if  he  steals  in  the  Colonies,  he  is  flog 
ged  ' — ay,  he  is  treated  as  Kate  was.  I  did  not  introduce 
this  case.  It  was  my  friend's  case,  and  he  brought  it  un 
der  your  notice  to  show  that  there  is  the  same  law  for  the 
master  as  for  the  slave.  Now  what  should  have  been  the 
charge  preferred  against  the  perpetrators  of  this  crime? 
Murder.  But  a  Grand  Jury  could  not  be  found  in  the 
Island  to  return  a  bill^  and  they  were  therefore  indicted 
for  a  misdemeanor,  and  on  that  charge  they  were  tried — 
a  misdemeanor,  for  putting  a  poor  girl  in  the  stocks  for 
seventeen  days — for  rubbing  capsicum  in  her  eyes — and 
for  flogging  her  till  she  died  ! 

I  will  now  give  Sir  James  Mackintosh's  view  on  the 
subject,  in  reply  to  Mr.  Irving,  the  Member  of  Bramber, 
and  the  would  be  Member  for  Clitheroe.     (A  laugh.) 
5 


50  LECTURE 

'  The  Honorable  Member  had  had  recourse  to  a  species  of  argument  respect 
ing  the  case  Mosses,  which  he  remembered  was  used  at  the  beginning  of  the 
debates  on  the  proposed  aboliton  of  the  slave  trade.  A  great  West  India 
proprietor  said,  on  the  occasion  to  which  he  had  alluded,  that  the  house 
might  as  well  judge  of  the  morals  of  England  by  the  records  of  the  Old 
Bailey,  as  to  judge  of  the  character  of  the  West  India  planters  from  a  few 
occurrences  selected  for  the  purpose  of  making  an  unfavorable  impression 
on  the  public.  To  this  Mr.  Fox  replied — '  I  do  not  wonder  that  the  slave 
trade  should  remind  the  honorable  gentleman  of  the  Old  Bailey.  Nothing 
can  be  so  congenial  as  the  two  subjects.  Nevertheless,  I  will  point  out  to 
the  honorable  gentleman  a  contrast  between  them.  At  the  Old  Bailey  we 
hear  of  crimes  which  shock  our  moral  feelings;  but  we  are  consoled  by  the 
punishment  of  the  criminals.  We  read  of  crimes  as  atrocious  in  the  West 
India  Islands,  but  our  moral  feelings  are  shocked  at  hearing  not  only  of  the 
impunity  of  the  criminals,  but  of  their  triumph.'  In  adverting  to  the  case 
of  the  Mosses,  the  honorable  member  had,  most  unfortunately  for  his  argu 
ment,  alluded  to  the  case  of  Mrs.  Hibner.  The  contrast  which  these  cases 
presented  between  the  moral  feelings  of  the  Bahamas,  and  the  moral  feel 
ing  of  this  country,  was  much  more  striking  than  the  contrast  to  which  Mr. 
Fox  had  formerly  called  the  attention  of  the  house.  The  offenders  in  the 
Bahamas  having  not  only  committed  a  murder,  but  committed  it  in  the  most 
barbarous  manner  possible,  had  been  condemned  to  five  month's  imprison 
ment.  What  followed  1  A  memorial  had  been  presented  to  the  Colonial 
Secretary,  signed  by  what  were  called  the  most  respectable  persons  in  the 
colony,  attesting  that  the  character  of  these  cruel  murderers  was  generally 
one  of  great  humanity,  and  praying  for  a  remission  of  their  punishment. 
That  was  the  manner  in  which  this  atrocious  crime  was  viewed  in  an 
island,  the  inhabitants  of  which  were  in  no  way  demoralized,  than  as  the 
possession  of  unbounded  and  irresponsible  power  always  corrupted  the 
heart  of  man.  Nay,  more,  a  public  dinner,  as  a  matter  of  triumph,  was 
actually  given  by  the  chief  persons  in  the  colony,  to  the  criminals  who  had 
barely  escaped  the  most  condign  punishment  for  their  offences.  What  was, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  case  in  London  when  a  criminal  of  the  lowest  order, 
this  same  Mrs.  llibner,  whose  crime  was  not  aggravated  by  the  considera 
tion  that  she  was  possessed  of  information  which  ought  to  have  taught  her 
better,  committed  a  similar  offence  ? — He  was  not  the  apologist  of  the  vin 
dictive  feeling  exhibited  by  the  populace  on  the  occasion ;  but  it  was  well 
known,  that  they  departed  from  the  humanity  which  they  usually  exhibited 
towards  the  unfortmm^e  persons  who  underwent  the  last  sentence  of  the  law. 
They  could  not  conceal  their  horror  at  a  crime,  which,  however,  was  far 
less  atrocious  than  that  which  had  been  committed  by  the  respectable 
Mosses;  and  even  rent  the  air  with  shouts  of  triumph  when  they  witnessed 
the  payment  of  the  dreadful  penalty.  In  justice,  however,  to  the  people  of 
London,  he  must  observe,  that  he  remembered  only  three  instances  in  which 
they  had  thus  deviated  from  their  usual  feelings  of  commiseration  for  suffer 
ing  criminals  ;  and  those  were  all  cases  in  which  the  punishment  of  death 
had  been  inflicted  for  the  crime  of  murder,  accompanied  with  circumstan 
ces  of  peculiar  cruelty.  Thus,  even  in  their  errors,  the  generosity  which 
belonged  to  their  general  character  was  strongly  evinced.' 

This  '  is  the  same  law  for  the  master  as  for  the  slave  ; ' 
and  yet  these  inhuman  monsters  were  sentenced  only  to 
five  months'  imprisonment,  the  whole  of  what  are  called 
the  respectable  inhabitants  of  the  Bahamas  having  prayed 
for  a  remission  of  punishment.  Ay,  and  Mr.  Irving,  the 


AT    SALFORD.  51 

would-be  Member  for  Clitheroe,  absolutely  vindicated  the 
conduct  of  the  Mosses,  because  Esther  Hibnerhad  recent 
ly  behaved  ill  to  some  children  in  London,  and  had  been 
executed  for  the  crime. 

I  refer  to  Lord  Brougham  once  more  : — 

c  Mark  the  refinement  of  their  wickedness  !  I  nowise  doubt,  that  to 
screen  themselves  from  the  punishment  of  death  due  to  their  crimes,  these 
wretches  will  now  say — they  did  indeed  say  on  their  trial — that  their  hap 
less  victim  died  of  disease.  When  their  own  lives  were  in  jeopardy,  they 
found  that  she  had  caught  the  fever,  and  died  by  the  visitation  of  God. — 
But  when  the  question  was,  Shall  she  be  flogged  again1?  Shall  she,  who  has 
for  twelve  days  been  fixed  in  the  stocks  under  the  fiery  beams  of  a  tropical 
sun, — who  has  been  torn  with  the  scourge  from  the  nape  of  the  neck  to  the 
plants  of  her  feet, — who  has  had  pepper  rubbed  in  her  eyes  to  ward  off  the 
sleep  that  might  have  stolen  over  her  senses,  and  for  a  moment  withdrawn 
her  spirit  from  the  fangs  of  her  tormenters — shall  SHE  be  subjected  by 
those  accented  fiends  to  the  seventh  scourging'?  Oh  !  then  she  had  no  sign 
of  fever  !  she  had  caught  no  disease  !  she  was  all  hale,  and  sound,  and  fit  for 
the  lash  !  At  seven  she  was  flogged — at  noon  she  died  !  and  those  execra 
ble  and  impious  murderers  soon  found  out  that  she  had  caught  the  malady, 
and  perished  by  the  'visitation  of  God  !  '  No,  no  !  I  am  used  to  examine 
circumstances,  to  weigh  evidence,  and  I  do  firmly  believe  that  she  died  by 
the  murderous  hand  of  man  !  that  she  was  killed  and  murdered  !  It  was 
wisely  said  by  Mr.  Fox,  that  when  some  grievous  crime  is  perpetrated  in  a 
civilized  community,  we  are  consoled  by  finding  in  all  breasts  a  sympathy 
with  the  victim,  and  an  approval  of  the  punishment  by  which  the  wrong 
doer  expiates  his  offence.  But  in  the  West  Indies  there  is  no  such  solace 
to  the  mind — there  all  the  feelings  flow  in  a  wrong  course — perverse,  pre 
posterous,  unnatural — the  hatred  is  for  the  victim,  the  sympathy  for  the  tor 
mentor  !  I  hold  in  my  hand  the  proof  of  it  in  this  dreadful  case.  The 
Mosses  were  condemned  by  an  iniquitous  sentence;  for  it  was  only  to  a 
small  fine  and  five  months'  imprisonment.  The  public  indignation  followed 
the  transaction  ;  but  it  was  indignation  against  the  punishment,  not  the 
crime,  and  against  the  severity,  not  the  lenity  of  the  infliction.' 

And  now  at  the  present  day,  these  gentlemen  tell  you 
that  slavery  exists  by  the  visitation  of  God — they  take  up 
this  book  (the  Bible)  and  maintain  that  slavery  exists, 
with  its  sanction  and  by  its  authority.  I  give  these  gen 
tlemen  joy  of  their  case  of  the  Mosses.  Well,  I  will  now 
give  them  Lord  Goderich's  opinion,  having  offered  to  them 
the  authorities  of  Fox,  Mackintosh,  and  Lord  Brougham, 
In  the  Parliamentary  papers  I  hold  in  my  hand  is  the  case 
of  a  slave  belonging  to  Mrs.  Wildman.  She  trusted  a 
white  man  with  one  of  her  pigs.  Well,  she  went  to  be 
paid  :  was  there  any  thing  wrong  in  that?  What  did  he 
do?  He  ordered  her  to  be  flogged,  and  PICKLE  was  after 
wards  rubbed  in  her  back.  Mr.  Taylor,  the  manager,  did 
all  he  could  to  bring  the  planter  to  justice,  and  yet  he 
could  not  find  justice  enough  in  that  blasted,  wasted, 


52  LECTURE 

sunken,  withered,  impious,  infernal  island — where  GOD'S 
temples  are  demolished — from  which  holy  missionaries  are 
banished — and  where  20,000  converted  slaves  are  depriv 
ed  of  a  place  in  which  to  worship  Goo^-there  was  not 
justice  to  be  found  in  the  Island  of  Jamaica  for  a  poor 
black  woman,  upon  whose  body  was  barbarously  inflicted. 
200  lashes.  Finally,  Mr.  Taylor  wrote  to  Lord  Goderich  ; 
and  his  Lordship  after  examining  the  evidence,  con 
cludes; 

'Thus  erer}r  effort  was  abortive,  and  thus  it  has  been  proved,  that  an 
attorney  for  an  absentee  proprietor  may  for  months  persevere  in  his  attempt 
to  obtain  redress  for  an  act  of  oppression  committed  on  a  slave  under  his 
charge,  but  unavailingly.  The  strong  impression  made  upon  my  mind  by  the 
conduct  of  the  Clarendon  magistracy,  coupled  with  similar  proceedings  m 
other  parochial  authorities,  is,  that  Councils  of  Protection  are  a  mockery, 
and  that  where  slave  evidence  is  rejected  by  law,  the  slave  has  scarcely  the 
shadow  of  protection  from  ill  treatment.' 

I  trust  this  documentary  evidence  will  be  deemed  con 
clusive,  and  I  hope  the  worthy  deputation  will  state  with 
what  facts  we  illustrate  the  nature  and  practice  of  their 
darling  system.  They  will  send  intelligence  to  St.  James's 
street  of  this  night's  proceedings,  arid  I  fancy  I  see  the 
conclave  now  assembled.  Two  sheets  of  letter  post, 
closely  written  on  both  sides,  is  read.  Irwell  street  Chap 
el  crowded — great  deal  of  the  intelligence  of  the  town 
present — three  gentlemen  in  the  pulpit  besides  the  lectur 
er — the  lecturer's  friend  attending  with  a  blue  bag  filled 
with  Parliamentary  papers.  (Laughter.) 

I  will  now  refer  to  a  case  which  occurred  on  Lord 
Combermere's  estate.  And  who  is  his  Lordship  1  He  is 
a  large  owner  of  West  India  property — a  most  humane 
man,  and  who  selected  his  servants  on  his  slave  estates 
with  the  greatest  care;  yet  what  did  his  manager  do? 
Why,  he  slaughtered  the  slaves  on  the  estate  by  wholesale, 
so  that  in  ten  years,  according  to  his  system,  the  whole  of 
them  would  have  become  extinct.  The  man  was  accused 
of  being  guilty  of  twelve  murders — some  of  them  were 
called  manslaughters;  yet  there  was  not  to  be  found  in 
Nevis,  or  St.  Kitt's,  a  jury  who  would  find  a  bill  against 
this  man,  that  he  might  be  put  upon  his  trial.  Lord  Com- 
bermere  at  length  heard  of  his  atrocious  conduct,  and 
wrote  to  Lord  Goderich  on  the  subject.  He  says, 

'  I  have  to  thank  you  very  much  for  your  letter  of  the  20th  instant,  to 
gether  with  papers  relating  to  the  abominable  conduct  of  Mr.  J.  Walley,  a 


AT    SALFORD.  53 

manager  upon  my  estate  at  Nevis.  Upon  my  return  from  the  East  Indies 
I  received  letters  from  Governor  Maxwell,  and  from  Mr.  Swindall,  (who 
manages  my  St.  Kitt's  property,  and  is  agent  also  for  that  in  Nevis,)  detail 
ing  the  oppressive  and  inhuman  conduct  of  Mr.  Walley  towards  the  ne 
groes,  and  informing  me  that  Mr.  Swindall  had,  immediately  the  facts  came 
to  his  knowledge,  turned  Mr.  Walley  away  from  the  management  of  the 
Stapleton  estate.  I  do  assure  you,  my  dear  Lord,  that  this  circumstance 
-gave  me  considerable  pain,  and  occasioned  me  much  surprise;  for  when  I 
was  Governor  of  Barbadoes  I  visited  my  estates  in  St.  Kitt's  and  Nevis,  and 
placed  new  people  in  the  management  of  them.  I  contributed  the  use  of 
the  plough  and  wheel-barrow  for  manual  labor,  and  gave  strict  orders  that 
the  slaves  should  not  be  hard  worked,  and  that  they  should  be  well  clothed 
and  fed,  and  all  their  comforts  attended  to.  It  was  most  gratifying  to  me, 
after  my  return  from  the  East  Indies,  that  my  instructions  had  been  implic 
itly  obeyed,  and  that  no  estates  in  those  islands  were  in  such  fine  order  as 
mine,  or  the  negroes  so  contented  and  happy.  The  gross  and  inhuman  con 
duct  of  Mr.  Walley,  has  given  me  much  pain  ;  and  your  Lordship  may  be  as 
sured  that  no  expense  or  trouble  on  my  part  shall  be  spared  in  order  to  as 
sist  in  bringing  this  criminal  to  justice  :  but  I  fear  we  cannot  expect  a  jury 
at  Nevis  or  St.  Kitts  to  do  their  duty.  Your  Lordship  knows  me  too 
well  not  to  feel  confident  that  every  thing  was  done  by  me  to  bring  this  man 
to  punishment,  when  I  heard  of  his  misconduct;  but  unfortunately  I  did  not 
return  from  the  East  Indies  till  after  his  trial  had  taken  place.  I  hope 
something  will  now  be  done  in  order  to  make  an  example  of  such  a  miscre 
ant,  and  I  have  only  again  to  assure  you,  that  I  have  nothing  so  much  at 
heart  as  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  the  negroes  upon  my  estates,  and  Gov» 
vernor  Maxwell  and  Mr.  Swindall  well  know  how  anxious  I  have  been  re 
specting  their  treatment,  &c.  I  need  not  add,  that  every  effort  shall  be  used 
by  me  for  guarding  against  a  recurrence  of  "  such  bad  treatment  of  slave? 
upon  my  estates." ' 

That's  the  same  law  for  the  master  as  the  slave  !  (Hear, 
hear.)  We  shall  see  presently  what  is  the  law  for  the 
slave.  Mr.  Borthwick  talked  of  the  planters'  wives,  and 
of  the  planters'  daughters,  and  he  panegyrized  the  ladies 
of  England,  and  talked  of  their  virtue  and  beauty,  but  his 
compliments  fell  silent  to  the  ground.  He  was  doing  that 
which  never  will  succeed — he  never  will  flatter  the  wo^ 
men  of  England  into  an  approbation  of  slavery.  (Tre 
mendous  cheering,  mingled  with  shouts  of  '  bravo.') 
'  There  were  ladies  in  the  West  Indies/  he  said,  '  as  fair 
as  you,  who  have  hopes,  and  fears,  and  sympathies  in  comr 
mon  with  your  own.'  And  is  there  not,  I  would  ask,  a 
negro  heart,  a  negro's  home,  and  a  negro's  wife  ^  Has 
not  the  negro  hopes,  and  fears,  and  sympathies?  Women 
of  England  !  I  will  never  celebrate  your  beauty,  your  sym 
pathy,  your  virtuous  endearments,  until  you  grant  to  me, 
that  a  negro's  wife  is  as  fair  in  the  eyes  of  her  husband  as 
you  are  in  yours.  (Loud  applause.)  A  planter  said  to  a 
boy,  the  son  of  a  slave,  « is  your  mother  beautiful?'  Mark 


54  LECTURE 

his  reply.  '  Can  a  mother  be  anything  but  beautiful  in 
the  eyes  of  a  son  1 '  (Loud  cheers,  and  a  cry  of  '  one 
cheer  more.')  Ought  we  not,  Mr.  Borthwick  observes,  to 
proceed  so  as  to  secure  safety  for  the  slave  and  the  interest 
of  the  master?  Yes,  Mr.  Borthwick,  we  ought  to  save 
the  slave  from  the  inhuman  fiends  in  the  Bahamas,  from 
the  whips,  the  pegs,  the  field-stocks,  the  collars  of  St.  Lu 
cia — save  the  slaves  from  the  bullets  of  Col.  Grignon,  and 
from  the  fangs  of  the  magistrates  of  Jamaica.  (Applause.) 
It  was  recommended  to  the  Governor  of  Jamaica  by  the  edi 
tor  of  the  Jamaica  Courant,  to  accept  of  a  cargo  of  blood 
hounds  from  Cuba,  to  hunt  down  the  negro. — Save  him 
therefore  from  this  sanguinary  editor  and  the  fangs  of  his 
blood-thirsty  agents  ! 

I  shall  presently  call  Mr.  Borthwick  to  an  account  on 
the  subject  of  manumission.  I  ask  for  safety  for  the  slaves 
when  they  are  engaged  in  the  worship  of  GOD — I  wish 
protection  for  the  missionary — I  desire  to  save  Mr.  Knibb's 
deacon  from  the  scourge.  The  interest  of  the  planter  ! 
What  is  he  now  ?  A  bankrupt.  What  has  he  been  for 
years?  A  pauper.  What  have  we,  the  people  of  Eng 
land,  done  for  him?  We  have  given  him  more  money,  in 
hard  cash,  for  his  support,  than  is  subscribed  for  all  our 
missionary,  bible,  and  tract  societies,  and  all  our  private 
and  public  benevolent  institutions,  if  their  amount  were 
doubled  or  trebled.  And  yet  Mr.  Borthwick  says,  that  we 
don't  care  for  the  planter.  Ungrateful  man !  Not  care  for 
the  planter?  We  nourished  and  brought  him  up,  and  in 
so  doing,  we  corrupted  him.  Mr.  Borthwick  talked  of 
slavery  dying  a  natural  death.  Yes,  it  might  have  done, 
years  ago,  had  we  withheld  our  money.  We  suckled  the 
monster,  and  are  still  sustaining  him  at  the  cost  of  mil 
lions  annually.  That  gentleman  knows,  or  ought  to  know, 
that  it  is  not  in  the  concentrated  wisdom  of  Parliament, 
to  legislate  for  the  Planters,  unless  slavery  be  abolished. 
We  can  only  pluck  him  from  ruin  by  extinguishing  the 
system,  and  restoring  commerce  to  its  uncorrupted  and 
legitimate  foundations. 

The  system  has  been  proved  to  be  a  ruinous  one,  and 
how  is  that  ruin  to  be  avoided  ?  Hear  the  remedy,  ye  wise 
men  of  St.  James's  street !  Lord  Goderich  tells  you  not 
to  despair,  but  to  retrace  your  steps.  In  a  despatch  to  the 
Earl  of  Belmore,  dated  Gth  June,  1831,  he  says, 


AT    SALFORD.  55 

'  The  existence  of  severe  commercial  distress  amongst  all  classes  of  society 
connected  with  the  West  Indies  is  unhappily  but  too  evident.  Yet  what  is 
the  just  inference  from  this  admitted  fact'?  Not,  certainly,  that  the  pro 
prietary  body  should  yield  themselves  to  despair,  and  thus  render  the  evil  in 
curable;  but  that  we*  should  deliberately  retrace  the  steps  of  that  policy 
which  has  had  so  disastrous  an  issue.  Without  denying  the  concurrence 
of  many  causes  towards  the  result  which  we  all  so  much  deplore,  it  is  ob 
vious  that  the  great  and  permanent  source  of  that  distress,  which  almost  every 
page  of  the  history  of  the  West  Indies  records,  is  to  be  found  in  the  institu 
tion  of  slavery.  It  is  vain  to  hope  for  long  continued  prosperity  in  any 
country  in  which  the  people  are  not  dependant  on  their  own  voluntary  in 
dustry  for  their  support;  in  which  labor  is  not  prompted  by  legitimate  mo 
tives,  and  does  not  earn  its  natural  reward;  in  which  the  land  and  its  culti 
vators  are  habitually  purchased  and  sold  on  credit;  and  in  which  the 
management  of  that  property  is  almosjt  invariably  confided  by  an  absent 
proprietary,  to  resident  agents  or  to  mortgagers,  who  are  proprietors  only 
in  name.  Without  presuming  to  censure  individuals  for  the  share  they  may 
have  taken  in  maturing  this  system,  I  cannot  but  regard  the  system  itself 
as  the  perennial  spring  of  those  distresses  of  which,  not  at  present  mere 
ly,  but  during  the  whole  of  the  last  fifty  years,  the  complaints  have  been  so 
frequent  and  so  just.  Regarding  the  present  Orders  as  a  measured  and 
cautioned,  but  at  the  same  time,  a  decided  advance  towards  the  ultimate  ex 
tinction  of  slavery,!  must,  on  that  account,  regard  it  as  tending  to  the  cure 
of  the  pecuniary  embarrassments  which  it  is  said  to  enhance.' 

Iii  our  friend's  reply  he  distinctly  staled,  that  it  was  not 
the  wish  of  the  planters  to  maintain  slavery  an  hour  beyond 
the  time  when  the  slaves  were  fit  for  freedom.  If  they  were 
to  consult  economy,  he  said  they  would  do  it  instantly. 
They  acknowledge  that  slave  labor  is  unprofitable.  And 
now  I  will  pin  down  my  honorable  opponent  on  this  point. 
On  the  score  of  economy,  they  would  manumit  their 
slaves,  because  two  thirds  of  them  are  children  or  aged, 
and  therefore  unable  to  work :  WHAT  THEN  BECOMES  OF 

THEIR    CLAIM    TO    COMPENSATION?       (Loud     cheers.)       But 

why  do  they  not  liberate  the  population  ?  Hear  it  my  friends 
and  believe  it  if  you  can,  they  retain  them  from  motives  of 
the  purest  humanity.  Compassion  for  the  infant — sympa 
thy  and  tenderness  towards  the  aged  and  infirm,  are  the 
reasons  why  they  defend  the  system.  Hear  it  ye  British 
matrons! — Ye  know  not  the  duties  of  the  nursery. — Ye 
could  not,  or  ye  would  not,  train  up  your  piccaninnies  in 
the  way  they  should  go. — They  would  starve  if  they  were 
f  ree. — The  negro  mother  would  '  forget  her  sucking  child,' 
she  would  'not  have  compassion  on  the  son  of  her  womb,' 
and  therefore  the  West  India  Committee  feels  constrained, 
from  principles  of  heavenly  charity,  to  care  for  these  in 
fant  outcasts.  (Tremendous  applause.)  Hear  it  ye  mo 
dern  philanthropists  !  Yours  is  a  misguided  benevolence. 


5(>  LECTURE 

Ye  know  not  what  ye  do.  Slavery  is  based  upon  humani 
ty.  The  old  would  want  wine.  Wine  did  I  say  ?  Mr. 
Borthwick  told  you  they  had  wine.  But  I  suppose  this 
wine  is  to  be  found  in  the  spacious  habitation  the  same 
gentleman  described.  (A  loud  laugh.)  A  dwelling  con 
sisting  of  four  parlors  and  a  saloon  (renewed  laughter;) 
and  when  instead  of  the  destitute  cabin  of  the  slave,  you 
find  this  delightful  and  commodious  retreat,  then,  and  not 
till  then,  will  you  find  the  negro  regaling  himself  with  wine, 
supplied  him  by  his  most  amiable  master.  (Great  cheer- 


learned  opponent  then  proceeded  to  a  discussion  on 
the  sinfulness  of  slavery,  and  you  recollect  how  hard  he 
labored  this  part  of  his  argument.  He  went  to  the  25th 
chapter  of  Leviticus,  and  hung  his  whole  defence  of  the 
abstract  principle,  upon  the  45th  and  46th  verses. 

'  Moreover  of  the  children  of  the  strangers  that  do  sojourn  among  you,  of 
them  shall  ye  buy,  and  of  their  families  that  are  with  you,  which  they  begat 
in  your  land ;  and  they  shall  be  your  possession. 

And  ye  shall  take  them  as  an  inheritance  for  your  children  after  you,  to 
inherit  them  for  a  possesssion  ;  they  shall  be  your  bondmen  for  ever  :  but, 
over  your  brethren  the  children  of  Israel,  ye  shall  not  rule  one  over  an 
other.' 

Now  he  knows,  or  ought  to  know,  that  this  slavery  has 
ceased,  and  has  not  lasted  for  ever.  He  knows  that  the 
Jews  have  riot  slaves  now.  If  they  now  retained  the 
Canaanite  and  the  Hittite  in  slavery,  he  might  found 
an  argument  on  the  passage.  But  he  who  gave  the 
command,  at  the  same  time  knew  when  their  dispensation 
would  end  ;  and  he  provided  in  its  stead  a  dispensation  of 
love.  (Great  cheering.)  But  my  opponent  did  not  quote 
other  parts  of  that  law.  Why  did  he  not  also  quote  this 
passage  from  the  xxi.  chapter  and  16th  verse  of  Exodus? 

'  And  he  that  stealeth  a  man  and  selleth  him,  or  if  he  be  found  in  his 
hand,  lie  shall  surely  be  put  to  death.' 

(Great  cheering  followed  the  reading  of  this  passage.) 
He  knows,  or  should  know,  that  according  to  his  own 
argument,  there  ought  to  be  no  slavery  but  by  the  express 
command  of  GOD.  Let  him,  then,  quote  his  authority  for 
our  holding  the  negroes  in  slavery.  (Applause.)  Let 
him  not  ground  his  advocacy  on  the  state  of  servitude  in 
Judea.  As  fared  the  master  so  fared  the  slave.  If  the  mas 
ter  had  white  bread  the  slave  was  not  to  have  brown — if 
the  master  had  old  wine  the  slave  had  not  new^-if  the  one 


AT    SALFORD.  57 

had  a  soft  bed  the  other  had  not  a  hard  one.  In  our  colo 
nies  is  this  the  case  1  Is  there  any  comparison  between 
the  table  of  the  planter  and  the  table  of  the  slave  1  What 
has  the  slave?  What  are  his  yams,  his  plantains,  his  rot 
ten  herrings,  his  horse  beans  to  sustain  life  in  comfort? 
There  is  evidence  in  this  chapel  that  the  deficiency  even 
of  this  sort  of  food  compels  them  frequently  to  go  out  to 
pilfer;  and  in  Antigua  the  planters  having  no  credit  to  im 
port  provisions,  actually  permit  their  slaves  to  go  out  to 
rob !  In  Jamaica,  where  provisions  are  abundant,  the 
slaves  all  keep  themselves  and  their  masters  besides.  Yet 
you  are  told  that  if  the  slaves  were  manumitted  they  would 
starve  ! 

Our  friend  here  knows,  too,  that  the  Jews  had  a  law 
which  he  had  not  ventured  to  quote.  He  knows  that  if  a 
Hebrew  slave  behaved  well  he  had  his  freedom  at  the  end 
of  seven  years.  He  knows,  too,  that  there  was  the  year  of 
jubilee — (hear,  hear,) — when  the  slave  became  free,  and 
went  out  of  the  house  of  his  master  laden  with  liberal  gifts. 
(Hear,  and  loud  cheers.)  I  appeal  to  you  as  Christians — 
I  appeal  to  him,  if  the  trump  of  jubilee  was  ever  heard  in 
the  West  India  Islands.  (Great  applause.)  He  knows 
it  never  was  heard.  Then,  after  quoting  the  Jewish  law, 
he  tried  to  bring  the  precepts  of  Christianity  to  his  aid, 
but  it  will  be  in  your  recollection  how7  he — bogghd,  as  the 
Yorkshireman  would  say,  at  the  injunction  '  do-do-do  unto 
all  men  as  you  would  they  should  do  unto  you.'  Yes,  and 
he  might  have  '  boggled  '  in  that  way  till  eternity  dawned, 
before  he  could  have  found  a  sanction  for  that  horrid  sys 
tem  in  the  Christian  volume.  How  was  this  holy  religion 
announced,  '  Glory  to  GOD  in  the  highest,  and  on  the 
earth  peace,  good  will  to  men.'  (Enthusiastic  cheering.) 
Oh,  but,  says  he,  St.  Paul  sent  back  Onesimus  to  Phile 
mon !  (Laughter  and  applause.)  The  SAVIOUR  came  to 
preach  deliverance  to  the  captive,  and  said,  '  All  things 
whatsoever  you  would  that  men  should  do  unto  you,  do  ye 
even  so  to  them.  Yes,  but  St.  Paul  sent  Onesimus  back 
to  Philemon  !  (Renewed  laughter  and  cheers.)  And  to 
the  question  '  Who  is  my  neighbor,'  what  was  the  answer  ? 
Here  it  is  from  the  10th  chapter  of  St.  Luke  : 
!*-  '  But  lie,  willing  to  justify  himself,  said  unto  Jesus,  And  who  is  my 
neighbor! 


58  LECTURE 

And  Jesus  answering  said,  A  certain  man  went  down  from  Jerusalem  to 
Jericho,  and  fell  among  thieves,  which  stripped  him  of  his  raiment,  and 
wounded  him,  and  departed,  leaving  him  half  dead. 

And  by  chance  there  came  down  a  certain  priest  that  way  :  and  when  he 
saw  him  he  passed  by  on  the  other  side. 

And  likewise  a  Levite,  when  he  was  at  the  place,  came  and  looked  on 
him,  and  passed  by  on  the  other  side. 

But  a  certain  Samaritan,  as  he  journeyed,  came  where  he  was:  when  he 
saw  him  he  had  compassion  on  him, 

And  went  to  him,  and  bound  up  his  wounds,  pouring  in  oil  and  wine,  and 
set  him  on  his  own  beast,  and  brought  him  to  an  inn,  and  took  care  of  him. 

And  on  the  morrow  when  he  departed,  he  took  out  two  pence,  and  gave 
them  to  the  host,  and  said  unto  him,  Take  care  of  him:  and  whatsoever 
thou  spendest  more,  when  I  come  again,  I  will  repay  thee. 

Which  now  of  these  three  thinkest  thou,  was  neighbor  unto  him  that  fell 
among  thieves  1 

And  he  said,  He  that  showed  rneicy  on  him.  Then  said  Jesus  unto  him, 
Go,  and  do  thou  likewise.' 

[Loud  cheering  followed  every  passage.] 

Yes  !  resumed  Mr.  Thompson,  this  is  all  very  beauti 
ful  :  but  then  St.  Paul  sent  Onesimus  back  to  Philemon! 
(Great  laughter.)  Well  then  about  this  Onesimus.  In 
the  first  place,  does  the  gentleman  know  that  this  Onesi 
mus  was  a  slave  in  the  sense  that  the  negroes  in  the  West 
Indies  are  slaves  ?  Second  :  Did  Philemon  possess  a  pro 
perty  in  his  life  and  limbs,  as  the  West  India  slave  owners 
say  they  have  in  the  life^and  limbs  of  the  negroes?  He 
should  have  proved  this  before  he  justified  slavery,  because 
St.  Paul  sent  Onesimus  back  to  Philemon.  WTe  find  in 
the  18th  chapter  of  Matthew,  that  a  certain  king  would 
take  account  of  his  servants.  Now  the  word  doulos  trans 
lated  servant  there,  is  the  same  which  is  translated  servant 
in  the  epistle  to  Philemon  ;  and  we  find  there,  that  one  un 
faithful  doulos  owed  his  master  ten  thousand  talents.  How 
could  an  abject  slave  owe  ten  thousand  talents  ?  But 
mark  the  conduct  of  his  master.  He  orders  the  slave  and 
his  family  to  he  sold,  that  he  may  be  repayed.  He  sells 
his  own  property  to  pay  himself?  I  may  perhaps  illus 
trate  the  folly  of  this  conduct,  supposing  doulos  to  mean 
slave,  by  a  homely  simile.  A  horse  in  a  stable  slips  his 
halter,  and  eats  some  beans  out  of  a  sack,  and  the  master 
says,  '  Oh  thou  wicked  and  ungrateful  horse  !  did  I  not 
give  thee  hay  enough,  and  yet  hast  thou  broken  loose  and 
ate  up  this  sack  of  boans  ?  Though  thou  art  mine,  and 
though  thou  hast  cost  me  fifty  pounds,  I  will  punish  thee 
for  this,  I  will  sell  thee  to-morrow,  though  I  should  lose 


AT    SALFORD.  59 

by  thee,  that  I  may  repay  myself  for  the  beans  thou  hast 
eaten.'  (Great  laughter.) 

Suppose  this  doulos — this  slave  according  to  the  West 
Indian  translation,  runs  away,  and  becomes  a  convert  to 
principles  that  he  knew  not  before — that  he  is  recognised 
and  sheltered,  as  St.  Paul  kept  Onesimus,  and  that  he  is 
sent  back  with  a  message,  '  I  send  you  back  your  runa 
way.'  In  such  a  case  no  doubt  the  slave  owner  would  say, 
'  Ay,  to  be  sure,  let  me  have  him  !  '  But  what  does  St. 
Paul  say.  Does  he  bid  Philemon  take  Onesimus  and  treat 
him  as  the  poor  boy  was  treated  for  running  away  with  his 
own  naked  body  1  No !  Does  he  say  '  take  him  and 
hang  him  1 '  No  !  Does  he  say  '  flog  him  ?  '  No  !  Does 
he  say  '  chain  him  ? '  No  !  Does  he  say  '  put  a  collar  on 
him?  '  No!  He  says  '  receive  him  not  as  a  servant,  but 
as  a  brother.'  (Long  continued  cheering.)  He  bids  him 
to  esteem  him  as  more  than  a  servant — as  a  brother  be 
loved. 

But  the  St.  James  street  gentlemen  like  to  quote  the  7th 
chapter  of  Corinthians.  It  is  a  favorite  passage  with  them, 
and  I  wonder  why  our  friend  missed  it  the  other  evening. 
It  is  said,  '  Let  every  man  abide  in  the  same  calling  where 
in  he  was  called.'  Now  were  I  talking  to  the  slave,  I 
would  say,  be  patient,  submit  to  the  wrong,  care  not  for 
the  chains,  but  wait.  Stand  still,  and  see  the  salvation  of 
God,  and  I  will  go  to  England  and  represent  your  case 
there,  and  endeavor  to  affect  such  an  alteration  of  the  law 
as  may  procure  your  redress.  But  will  any  man  libel  the 
character  of  St.  Paul,  by  saying  that  when  he  uses  such 
language  to  the  slave  he  exhonorates  the  master  1  No: 
he  says,  '  art  thou  called  being  a  servant  ?  care  not  for  it.' 
This  implies  a  wrong,  but  does  not  justify  it.  So  and  so  has 
wronged  me,  says  one.  Well  care  not  for  it,  advises 
another.  Bear  in  mind  that  there  is  no  slavery  with  God. 
But  if  you  must  be  free  it  must  be  in  a  higher  state,  and 
use  your  servitude  rather  to  subserve  this  greater  end.  Ye 
are  bought  with  a  price,  and  in  this  sense  ye  cannot  be 
the  doulos — the  slave  of  any  man.  (Cheers.) 

I  now  come  to  a  very  important  part  of  the  gentleman's 
lecture.  He  said,  that  as  the  representative  of  the  West 
India  proprietors,  he  would  say  that  he  would  give  free 
dom  to  the  slaves  as  soon  as  they  are  in  the  condition  that 


60  LECTURE 

Onesimus  was.  Then  I  claim  it  for  the  Methodist 
converts.  (Applause.)  In  the  name  of  those  who  wor 
ship  in  this  place — In  the  name  of  GOD — I  claim  it  for  the 
Methodist  converts  in  the  West  Indies — in  the  name  of 
the  venerable  George  Marsden  (who  was  present^  I  claim 
it  for  them.  There  are  many  Onesimuses  there.  Many 
whose  names,  though  they  are  recorded  on  the  parchments 
of  men  as  their  property,  are  written  in  the  book  of  life. 
I  have  them,  says  their  GOD  and  our  GOD,  and  their 
names  are  written  '  on  the  palms  of  my  hands.'  I  claim 
it  for  the  Baptist  converts.  (Cheers.)  I  claim  it  for  Mr. 
Knibb's  communicants.  I  claim  it  for  Swiney,  whose 
back  was  scourged  for  praying  for  the  safety  of  his 
master.  (Great  cheering.)  I  claim  it  for  the  Mora 
vian  converts — I  claim  it  for  the  Church  converts — 
I  claim  it  for  all  who  love  the  LORD  JESUS  CHRIST.  (En 
thusiastic  cheering.)  Are  they  free  ?  Perhaps  our  friend 
will  reply  to  that.  But  I  came  not  here  to  enter  into  dis 
quisitions  of  abstract  rights,  but  to  put  an  end  to  real  in 
justice — real  infamy.  I  came  not  here  to  discuss  abstract 
metaphysical  questions,  but  to  endeavor  to  put  an  end  to 
the  debasement  of  the  sufferers,  and  of  those  who  are  par 
ties  to  its  continuance. 

Then  he  gave  us  a  very  beautiful  quotation  from  Ju 
venal  ;  to  show  you  that  slavery  should  exist  now,  he  shows 
you  the  cruelties  practised  many  years  ago  ;  that  ancient 
cruelty  should  justify  modern  crime.  Behold  this  tree  ; 
it  never  has  brought  forth  good  fruit.  Make  ancient  sla 
very  a  thousand  times  worse  if  you  will,  there  is  no  secu 
rity  in  modern  slavery  ;  and  though  one  only  may  be  slain 
to-day,  400  may  be  slain  in  one  establishment  to-morrow. 
And  this  quotation  is  made  in  a  Christian  country.  If  this 
be  done  in  the  green  tree,  what  shall  be  done  in  the  dry? 
Shame  to  the  St.  James's  street  conclave,  that  they  can 
not  find  better  arguments  ;  but  they  shall  see  presently, 
that  slavery  in  1832  is  a  hundred  times  worse  than  it  was 
in  the  days  of  the  Romans.  One  of  my  opponents,  who, 
judging  from  appearances,  was  apparently  pot-valiant,  said 
I  suppose  Mr.  Thompson  has  never  been  in  the  Colonies. 
What  is  his  inference  from  that?  Why,  that  my  evidence 
ought  not  to  be  received  ;  but  I  never  gave  him  any  evi 
dence  of  my  own.  I  believe  his  friend  has  never  been  in 
the  Colonies,  if  so,  the  same  reasoning  will  apply  to  him. 


AT    6ALFORD.  61 

It  was  wrong  in  him  thus  to  attack  his  friend  by  a  side 
wind.  It  has  been  very  justly  said,  '  Heaven  protect  me 
from  my  friends.  I  can  take  care  of  my  enemies  myself.' 
Send  me  no  Mr.  Franklin  to  help  me.  But  to  return. 
The  gentleman  was  dishonest  as  an  argumentative  speak 
er.  He  alluded  merely  to  horrors  said  to  have  been  com 
mitted  and  not  fit  to  be  told  in  that  assembly,  but  he  never 
gave  us  one  proof  of  their  truth.  I  will  give  you  proofs, 
however,  from  the  St.  James's  Chronicle,  and  from  the 
Morning-  Post.  These  proofs  are  contained  in  a  letter 
dated  Feb.,  1832,  without  name,  and  the  part  of  Jamaica 
from  whence  it  came  not  alluded  to  at  all,  addressed  to  a 
physician  in  Glasgow,  who  is  not  named,  and  written  by 
a  person,  who  had  been  six  weeks  on  the  island  during  all 
which  time  martial  law  had  existed  against  the  negroes. 
He  stated  that  14  women  were  found  amongst  a  party  of 
negroes  in  the  woods  by  a  body  of  soldiers  sent  in  pursuit 
of  them,  and  two  of  them  were  in  a  most  horrible  state  with 
their  thighs  broken.  Can  such  things  be  believed  ?  The 
writer  of  this  letter,  who,  bear  in  mind,  has  been  six  weeks 
on  the  island,  goes  on  to  state  the  difference  in  the  con 
dition  of  the  slaves  in  that  country  and  the  laboring  popu 
lation  in  this.  The  slaves  there,  he  says,  have  horses  of 
the  best  quality  to  ride  upon,  not  donkeys,  nor  mules,  but 
horses  of  the  best  description.  They  dress  superbly,  says 
.he,  not  neatly,  not  comfortably,  but  superbly.  They  have 
also,  says  he,  domestic  animals  of  every  description.  When 
Mr.  Franklin  got  up,  as  if  from  amidst  the  thunder  of  his 
friend's  eloquence,  a  flash  of  lightening  had  come  forth 
aad  annihilated  his  memory,  and  cried  out  '  the  man  who 
says  that  the  negro  is  in  a  degraded,  demoralized  and  de 
based  state,  utters  a  premeditated  falsehood.'  He  had  for 
gotten  what  his  friend  had  said  on  the  subject.  (Hear, 
hear,  hear.)  If  this  was  the  truth,  he  had  better  have 
kept  it  in  ;  he  might  have  spared  his  friend  ;  he  might  have 
refrained  from  giving  him  the  lie  direct  in  a  public  meet 
ing.  To  illustrate  the  credit  due  to  them,  who  would 
grant  abolition,  BUT  NOT  NOW,  I  will  read  an  extract  from 
the  Jamaica  Courant,  a  paper  edited  by  a  member  of  the 
assembly,  a  paper  avowedly  the  organ  of  the  planters. 
The  Courant  says,  in  relation  to  the  Baptist  Missions,  he 
hoped  they  would  have  justice  done  them  ;  and  what  was 


D»  LECTURE 

this  justice  t     '  We  hope  they  will  be  hanged  in  the  woods 
ofTrelavvney  !' 

*  Our  primary  ardor  has  been  unabateJ.     We  have  never  allowed   these 
deluded  wretches  lime  to  rest;   night  and  day  have  we  been  at  them,  and 
have  made  terrible  slaughter  among  them.     And  now.  at  the  end  of  a  six 
weeks's  campaign,  we  are  neglected — not  thought  of,  because  the  Govern 
or  must  have  a  little  fun  with  Tom  Hill  and  his  yacht.     The  few  wretches 
that  are   now  out,  are  hiding  in  the  cane-pieces,  and  we  occasionally  get 
a  bullet  or  two  at  them.     On  Sunday  morning  five  were  shot,  who  were 
fallen  in  with  and  attempted  to  escape.' 

Miserable  wretches,  shot  at  for  attempting  to  escape 
from  Christian  men  on  a  Sabbath  morning ! 

'  I  shall  not  consider  that  we  are  safe,  although  all  this  havoc  has  been 
made  among  the  rebels ;  although  they  may  have  now  found  the  inutility 
of  opposing  the  strong  force  which  can  be  opposed  to  them,  until  we  can 
fall  on  some  plan  of  getting  rid  of  the  infernal  race  of  Baptists,  which  we 
have  so  long  fostered  in  our  bosoms,  and  demolishing  their  bloody  pande 
moniums.' 

This  is  Jamaica  attachment  to  the  cause  of  freedom  ! 

*  I  cannot  allow  the  post  to  start,  without  saying  that  I  have  remained 
long  enough  at  Falmouth  to  see  the  Baptist  and  Methodist  Chapels  pulled 
down      This  good  work  was   accomplished  this  day,  by  the    troops  after 
their  return — conquerors  from  the  seat  of  war.     Lots  of  groans  as  you  may 
imagine,  from  the  Saints  and  their  followers.     It  is  impossible  for  me  to 
give  you  a  description  of  the  appearance  of  our  brave  Militiamen  on  their 
arrival  in   this  town.     The  poor  fellows  cut  a  miserable  appearance  :  you 
could  not  actually  tell  whether  they  were  black,  white,  yellow,  or  any  other 
color.' 

Let  Bruce  know  that  the  great  and  glorious  work  has  commenced.  It  is 
now  ten  o'clock,  and  all  hands  at  work,  demolishing  the  Baptist  and  Wes- 
leyan  Chapels.  The  Methodist  Chapel  is  down,  and  the  men  are  hard  at 
work  at  the  Baptist's.  The  roof  of  the  latter  is  not  yet  off,  but  ao  much 
injured,  as  to  make  it  as  well  off  as  on.  It  is  standing,  true,  but  supported 
by  a  few  posts  only.  The  men  have  gone  for  fire  hooks  to  complete  the 
work  they  have  undertaken.  There  is  the  devil  to  pay  here  to  day  (as  you 
may  suppose)  among  the  Saints  and  their  followers. — Weeping  and  wailing, 
and  gnashing  of  teeth — wringing  of  hands,  and  groans,  interrupted  at  times, 
with  curses  and  imprecations  on  the  soldiers.' 

Here  are  the  victorious  troops  of  Jamaica.  You  have 
heard  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington  and  his  armies  amidst 
the  pealing  of  organs,  kneel  down  and  return  thanks  to 
GOD  that  the  arms  of  our  country  have  been  victorious. 
Here  are  the  Jamaica  troops.  Do  they  behave  thus?  Do 
they  thus  enter  the  hallowed  place?  With  hands  reeking 
with  the  blood  of  their  fellow-creatures,  they  instantly  set 
on  and  pull  down  the  houses  of  GOD.  (Shocking.) 

'I  trust  there  will  be  no  occasion  for  apology  in  a  stranger  addressing 
you,  as  no  doubt  you  will  feel  the  same  pleasure  in  purging  this  as  I  did  in 
witnessing  the  act  which  forms  the  subject  of  my  communication.' 

We  have  heard  from  those  gentlemen  the  danger  of 
emancipation.  If  the  negroes  had  learned  to  pull  down 


AT    SALFORD.  63 

churches,  they  would  have  been  fit  for  freedom — if  they 
could  come  with  their  hands  reeking  in  human  blood,  and 
tar  and  feather  a  holy  man,  they  are  fit  for  freedom, — but 
no,  not  yet,  they  are  not  fit  for  freedom  ;  they  are  not  yet 
sufficiently  assimilated  with  these  blood-thirsty  beings. 

«  I  write  in  the  hope  of  this  reaching  you  through  the  way-bag,  as  the 
post  office  lias  long  since  been  shut.  Some  true-hearted  Jamaicans  have 
truly  ennobled  themselves  this  night,  by  razing  to  the  earth  that  pestilential 
hole,  Knibb's  preaching  shop.  Verily,  friend,  they  have  not  spared  Box's 
also.  He  no  more  will  be  able  to  beat  the  roll-call  to  prayers,  nor  the  ta- 
too  upon  the  consciences  of  the  subscribers  of  macs — our  poor  deluded 
slaves.  In  plain  English,  not  one  stone  has  been  left  standing — nav,  not 
even  the  corner  one ;  and  I  hope  that  this  goodly  example  will  be  followed 
from  Ncgril  to  Morant.' 

Here  is  a  blasphemous  allusion  to  the  chief  corner  stone, 
— that,  which,  if  it  shall  fall  upon  a  man  shall  crush  him 
to  powder  ;  but  I  forbear.  I  could  go  on  with  a  number 
of  these  extracts  from  the  Courant. — I  have  numbers  of 
them,  but  I  will  read  only  one. 

'Between  seven  and  nine  o'clock  on  Saturday  evening,  the  7th  (April, 
3832,)  a.a  the  Rev.  Mr.  iJleby,  a  Wesleyan  minister,  and  his  lady,  were 
sitting  to  tea  at  their  hired  residence  in  Falmouth,  a  band  of  white  and 
one  or  two  colored  ruffians  rushed  into  the  house  and  seized  him,  using  ex 
tremely  violent  and  abusive  language,  calling  him  a  d — d  preaching  villain, 
&c.  &c.;  they  then  forced  Mr.  B.  to  the  opposite  side  of  the  room,  four 
or  five  holding  him  whilst  one  struck  him  violently  on  the  head — they  were 
all  armed  with  bludgeons.  One  of  the  ruffians  brought  a  keg  of  tar  into 
the  room,  and,  whilst  some  held  him,  others  spread  the  tar  with  their 
hands  over  his  head,  face,  breast,  and  clothes.  Whilst  this  brutal  assault 
was  going  on,  the  fellow  named  Dobson,  who  struck  Mr.  Bleby,  attempted 
to  set  Mr.  B's  pantaloons  on  fire,  but  was  prevented  by  one  of  the  gang. 
He  immediately  after  applied  the  candle  to  the  tar  on  B's  breast,  but  Mrs. 
Bleby  seeing  it  dashed  the  candle  from  his  hand,  and  it  went  out.  In  at 
tempting  to  interpose  between  the  ruffians  and  Mr,  B.,  Mrs.  Bleby  was 
seized  by  one  of  them  and  dashed  violently  on  the  floor,  the  effect  of  which, 
our  informant  affirms,  she  still  severely  feels.  Two  of  the  gang  attempted 
to  lock  her  in  the  pantry,  but  she  managed  to  elude  their  intention.  By 
this  time  the  alarm  having  been  given,  some  people  came  to  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Bleby's  assistance,  and  commenced  an  attack  upon  the  villains  who  were 
below  stairs ;  this  so  alarmed  those  that  were  employed  above,  that  they 
left  Mr.  Bleby  and  hastend  to  the  assistance  of  their  fellows,  and  eventu 
ally  made  their  escape,  but  not  until  two  or  three  had  received  the  drub 
bing  which  they  richly  deserved — one  so  much  so  as  to  endanger  his  life. 
About  this  time  Mrs.  Bleby  with  her  child  escaped,  through  the  crowd, 
without  her  bonnet  and  one  shoe,  the  villains  having  first  bedaubed  her  and 
her  child  (about  five  months  old)  with  tar  !  !  Mr.  B.,vho  was  guarded 
by  a  party  of  colored  and  black  young  men,  took  shelter  in  a  neighboring 
house.  Mr.  Miller,  with  a  party  of  the  22d  regiment,  soon  after  arrived 
on  the  spot,  to  whom  Mr.  B.  stated  what  had  occurred,  and  claimed  pro*- 
tection  at  their  hands.  Mr.  B.  was  taken  to  the  barracks  for  the  night, 
and  Mrs.  B.  was  kindly  sheltered  byJVlrs.  Jackson,  the  lady'of  the  Clerk  of 
the  Peace,  who  offered  her  all  requisite  assistance.  On  Sunday  the  attack 


64  LECTURE 

was  to  have  been  renewed,  but  it  did  not  take  place.  A»  a  specimen  of 
Falmouth  justice,  the  young  men  who  went  to  Mr.  Bleby's  assistance  were 
disarmed,  by  authority,  and  are  to-day  to  be  tried  by  a  court  martial  for 
the  crime  of  protecting  a  Missionary,  his  wife,  and  harmless  infant !  !  !  ' 

But  I  need  not  dwell  longer  upon  these  facts.  Again 
the  Courant  states. 

'There  is  no  longer  a  hive  for  the  drones;  the  bees  have  beat  them 
away,  and  destroyed  their  hives;  no  longer  have  they  a  shelter  to  collect 
maccaronies  in,  and  away  they  must  go.  With  wlia't  pleasure  did  I  wit 
ness  the  conduct  of  the  brave  and  intrepid  men  of  the  St.  Ann's  Regiment, 
while  performing  that  which  ought  to  have  been  done  by  the  Trelawney 
Regiment — demolishing  the  Baptist  and  Methodist  Chapels.  This  work 
commenced  at  eight  o'clock, and  is  still  going  on  ;  by  morning  there  will  not 
be  a  stone  left  standing.  I  trust  the  example  thus  set  in  Trelawney,  will 
be  followed  throughout  the  island:  with  this  difference,  that  the  inhabitants 
of  every  parish  will  do  their  own  duty,  and  not  require  others  to  perform  i(. 
It  was  highly  amusing  to  see  the  "Cobbler's"  flocks  in  the  streets,  groan 
ing  and  wondering  where  their  preachers  would  now  get  money  to  build 
other  Chapels. 

Is  it  to  come  to  this,  that  when  the  clanger  is  supposed  to  be  over,  that 
the  preachers  of  all  denominations,  who  found  it  prudent  to  quit  the  coun 
try,  should  assemble  in  Kingston,  and  pretend  to  be  instructors  of  each  oth 
er,  and  point  out  how  they  are  in  future  to  conduct  themselves?  Their 
treason  to  the  country  has  been  discovered,  and  by  a  slio\v  of  .ibout  tliij  iy 
vagabond  preachers,  who  dare  not  show  their  noses  out  of  Kingston,  they 
are  endeavoring  to  excite  a  sympathy  for  their  sufferings  !  The  time  has 
past,  and  their  conduct  is  now  understood,  and  none  but  those  who  encour 
age  rebellion  would,  for  one  moment,  countenance  the  conduct  they  are  pur 
suing.  If  they  really  are  the  servants  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  what  have  they 
to  be  afraid  of?  Their  master  performed  many  miracles,  but  alas  !  he  was 
crucified — a  consummation  which  we  devoutly  pray  his  pretended  servants 
may  experience;  and  as  we  intend  shortly  to  publish  an  almanac,  we  shaH 
be  happy  to  canonize  these  gentry,  by  placing  their  names  as  Saints,  in 
black  letter.  Now  for  the  oration.  The  Rev.  bawler  addressed  his  thir 
teen  culprits,  and  asked  them  if  their  mission  was  not  one  of  peace 1  The 
poord — Is,  of  course,  nodded  assent.  He  then  remarked,  with  a  degree  of 
energy  which  we  are  sorry  was  not  exerted  in  a  good  cause — Are  you  not 
ambassadors  from  Godl  Another  nod  !  Then  said  the  preacher,  perse 
vere — here  he  made  a  pause  of  a  few  seconds,  and  then  told  the  criminals 
again  to  persevere  in  maintaining  peace  and  good  order!  !  !  !  These  men 
are  very  kind,  and  no  doubt  preach  peace  on  earth,  and  good  will  towards 
all  men  !  The  dear  babes,  how  we  love  them  !  Merely  because  we  know 
they  love  us!!  We  are,  however,  not  bigots,  either  in  politics  or  religion, 
and  if  they  could  point  out  the  same  number  of  good  men  among  them  as 
would  have  saved  Sodom  and  Gomorrah,  we  would  like  LOT  "beg for 
them,"  but  as  we  know  that  such  a  number  could  not  be  found,  we  hope 
they  may  be  ordered  to  "  march  "  at  a  moment's  warning,  without  sus 
taining  a  loss  equal  to  that  which  poor  LOT  experienced.' 

'  He  that  has  ears  to  hear,  let  him  HEAR  ;  *  and  if  Mr. 
Borthwick  replies  to  this,  I  shall  have  a  minute  of  it;  if 
he  does  not,  it  is  because  he  cannot.  (Cheers.) 

'  Since  our  last,  we  have  received  accounts  of  the  destruction  of  every 
one  of  those  pandemoniums  of  insurrection  and  rebellion,  the  Baptist 
preaching  shops,  from  Savanna-la-Mar  to  Brown's  Town,  in  St.  Ann's. 


AT    SALFORD.  65 

They  have  been  destroyed  partly  by  the  Militia  and  partly  by  some  of  their 
own  followers,  who  have  had  their  eyes  opened  by  recent  events,  which 
have  taught  them  that  ihe  Baptist  Parsons  were  not  the  Sovereigns  of  Ja 
maica.  Several  of  the  Wesleyan  Chapels  have  also  been  either  totally  or 
partially  destroyed;  a  fit  but  trifling  retribution  for  the  loss  these  men  have 
caused  to  the  proprietors  of  those  estates  that  have  been  burnt  by  the  incen 
diaries,  who  were  instigated  to  commit  the  crimes,  for  which  so  many  ef 
them  have  suffered  by  these  preachers.  We  can  only  say  in  the  words  of 
the  Reformer,  John  Knox — 'To  get  rid  of  the  Rooks  effectually  you  must 
destroy  their  nests.'  As  to  the  rooks — the  preachers — we  would  recom 
mend  the  advice  ofourstaunch  friend  JAMES  M'QuEEN,  to  be  observed  to 
wards  them  : — «  Tar  and  feather  them  wherever  you  meet  them,  and  drive 
them  off  the  island,  excepting  always  those  who  may  merit  a  greater  eleva 
tion — a  more  exalted  distinction. 

I  have  only  one  more  extract  to  give  you.  It  is  a  des 
patch  from  Colonel  Grignon  to  Sir  Willoughby  Cotton,  da 
ted  Montego  Bay,  January  2d,  1832.  Colonel  Grignon 
was  one  of  the  foremost  of  them  who  at  a  meeting  in  July 
1831,  called  on  the  planters  to  resist  the  orders  in  council, 
even  to  blood.  He  is  the  manager  of  Salt  Spring  estate 
for  a  gentleman  in  London.  The  extract  runs  thus  : — 

*  On  ths  29th,  I  received  information  that  a  large  body  of  negroes  were 
assembled  at  Chester  Castle,  and  I  proceeded  with  a  detachment  of  the 
regiment  to  that  place,  having  first  given  directions  to  the  officers  command 
ing  the  Westmoreland,  to  meet  me  therewith  one  company.     The  negroes 
had,  however,  fled,  and  I  saw  nothing  of  the  Westmoreland  detachment. 
On  my  return  to  quarters,  I  observed  the  negroes  at  Montpelier  new  works, 
assembled  in  a  large  body,  setting  fire  to  the  trash  houses.' 

Setting  fire  to  trash  houses.  This  was  the  head  and 
front  of  their  offending.  Does  the  gallant  Colonel  exhort 
them  to  disperse  ?  No.  Does  he  threaten  them  ?  No, 
Does  he  fire  blank  catridges  over  their  heads?  No.  You 
shall  see  what  he  does. 

*  /  immediately  ordered  the  detachment,  who  were  all  mounted,  to 
dash  into  the  mill  yard,  and  the  rebels  were  all  dispersed.  In  this  attack 
I  understand,  from  information  received,  that  there  were  two  of  them 
killed  and  one  wounded.     Upon  this  occasion  I  have  to  notice  that  En 
sign  Reanie,  with  a  small  advanced  detachment  was  extremely  active,  and 
throughout  the  whole  duty  which   the  regiment  had  to  perform  I  was  ably 
supported  by  this  officer.' 

What  a  piece  of  courteousness  this,  to  compliment  the 
gallant  officer,  for  his  activity  in  driving  away  a  few  un 
armed  negroes,  who  might  have  been  dispersed  by  a  con 
stable's  staff!  But  it  is  upon  the  old  principle  of  *  You 
tickle  me  and  I'll  tickle  you.'  (Great  laughter.) 

'  Upon  my  arrival  at  quarters  I  found  the  company  of  the  St.  James's 
regiment  had  arrived,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Ewart,  at  about  five 
o'clock.  At  about  seven  the  rebels  advanced  upon  us  in  four 
columns.' 

What!  were  these  rebel  negroes  so  soon  martialized  as 
6* 


66  LECTUKE 

to  march  down  upon  them  in  four  columns?  Men  who 
knew  no  more  of  military  evolutions  than  a  pig  knows  of  a 
fortnight!  Coming  down  upon  them,  tramp,  tramp, 
tramp,  in  four  columns!  (Laughter.)  This  is  what  I  call 
making  up  a  story,  and  if  you  wish  to  see  a  specimen  of 
the  art  of  making  up  a  story,  read  the  Manchester  Covricr 
of  Saturday  last.  (Cheers.)  If  there  be  any  spark  of 
honor,  truth,  or  honesty  in  the  gentlemen  who  are  opposed 
to  me,  they  will  give  the  lie  to  that  Courier.  (Tremendous 
cheers.)  Who  gained  a  hearing  for  that  opposition  on 
Monday?  I  did.  (Cheers.)  Who  gained  them  a  hear 
ing  again  on  Tuesday  ?  I  did,  or  they  never  would  have 
been  heard.  (Great  cheering.)  And  yet,  what  does  this 
veracious  journal  say  1  It  says,  '  Mr.  Borthwick  was  again 
interrupted  in  his  argument  by  an  uproar,  compared  to 
which  the  scenes  we  have  frequently  witnessed  on  Peter- 
loo  amongst  an  assembly  of  radicals  of  the  lowest  grade 
were  perfectly  calm  and  decorous.'  I  say  if  the  genlle- 
men  have  any  spark  of  truth  about  them,  they  will  give  the 
lie  to  that  Courier  (Cheers,  while  a  person  in  the  gallery 
shouted  out,  '  Let  us  groan,'  and  several  groans  were 
heard.)  But  enough  of  that,  let  us  return  to  the  Colonel. 

*  They  came  down  upon  us  in  four  columns.' 

I  am  afraid  my  friends  you  are  thinking  I  am  alluding 
to  four  columns  of  the  newspaper.  (Laughter.) 

'They  came  down  upon  us  in  four  columns.  The  first  body  moved  upon 
the  trash  houses.' 

Their  greatest  hostility  seems  to  have  been  against  these 
trash  houses. 

"  The  first  body  moved  upon  the  trash  houses,  to  one  of  which  they  set 
fire,  and  became  engaged  with  Captain  Evvart's  company,  and  picqnet 
guard  of  the  Western  interior,  under  Ensign  Gibbs.  The  officers  and 
men  behaved  in  the  most  gallant  manner,  and  shortly  dispersed  the 
enemy.  This  division  from  the  statement  of  Captain  Ewart,  consisted  of 
40  men.  The  three  other  divisions,  attacked  the  main  body  of  the  West 
India  regiment,  who  had  been  formed  into  a  solid  square,  and  kept  up  a 
considerable  firing  of  musketry  upon  them.' 

Does  he  remonstrate  with  these  men  ?  Does  he  advise 
them  to  disperse  ?  Does  he  entreat  them  ?  No  ;  he  or 
ders  his  men  to  fire  upon  them.  They  kept  up  a  very 
rapid  fire.  This  is  West  India  slavery.  (Murder.) 

'  The  regiment  reserved  the  fire  until  the  rebels  had  advanced  with 
in  thirty  or  forty  yards,  when  they  commenced  a  very  rapid  fire,  which 
continued  for  about  20  minutes,  when  the  enemy  dispersed  in  all  di 
rections.  The  body  of  the  enemy  who  attacked  by  the  main  road,  could 
not  have  consisted  of  less  than  two  hundred  men.  The  number  in  the 


AT    SALFORD. 


67 


other  division  I  could  not  judge  of,  as  they  were  covered  by  a  stone  wall 
fence,  and  the  Hill  house,  but  both  divisions  appeared  to  have  many  firearms. 
When  all  behaved  with  so  much  gallantry,  it  would  be  invidious  to 
name  any  individual;  at  the  same  time,  I  cannot  omit  mentioning  Mr. 
Rhodes  Evans  (a  gentleman  residing  in  the  West  Interior  district, 
and  u-ho  had  volunteered  his  services,)  and  1  am  under  great  obliga 
tion  for  his  able  assistance.  I  must  also  state  that  I  am  much  indebted 
to  Captain  Balme  for  his  suggestions  to  me  during  and  after  the  engagement. 
I  regret  to  add  that  in  this  encounter  we  had  one  man  killed,  and  forty 
wounded;  and  Major  Kings  and  Sergeant  Sewells — ' 

Had  their  throats  cut  ?  No.  Their  brains  blown  out? 
No.  Mortally  wounded  ?  No.  They  had  their  HATS 
SHOT  THROUGH.  (Tremendous  cheers,  with  laughter.) 

This  is  the  first  time  I  ever  heard  of  such  a  gazette  as 
this.  It  is  a  complete  proof  that  they  had  nothing  impor 
tant  to  write  about.  Where  are  these  hats  !  would  that 
we  had  them  here.  They  ought  to  be  sent  down  to  pos 
terity  along  with  the  memorials  of  Blenheim,  Nile,  and 
Waterloo.  (Cheers.)  They  ought  to  be  hung  up  in 
Westminster  Abbey  along  with  the  trophies  of  their  great 
victories,  and  the  name  of  Colonel  Grignon  go  down  to 
glory  with  the  illustrious  names  of  Malborough,  Howe,  and 
Wellington.  (Tremendous  cheering.) 

'Their  huts  shot  through,  but  they  received  no  injury.  I  could  not  learn 
the  exact  number  of  the  killed  and  wounded,  but  I  understood  afterwards, 
that  they  admitted  they  had  lost  ten  men  killed,  and  twety-five  wound 
ed.  The  company  of  St.  James's  regiment,  together  with  the  West  India, 
lay  under  arms  the  remainder  of  the  night.' 

So  much  for  the  nature  and  the  operations  of  a  West 
India  campaign  ! 

Special  objection  was  taken  and  special  indignation  ex 
pressed  at  my  assertion,  '  that  a  slave  could  not  call  his 
life  his  own,  his  liberty  his  own,  his  wife,  or  his  children 
his  own.'  This  was  met  only  by  a  bare  denial,  and 
an  attempt  to  prove  that  the  slaves  have  liberty  of  con 
science.  Now,  although  I  never  said  any  thing  about  lib 
erty  of  conscience,  I  am  quite  willing  it  should  become  a 
topic  of  discussion,  because  upon  no  one  point  will  my 
opponent  find  himself  more  at  a  loss  for  facts  than  upon  this. 
Have  they  liberty  of  conscience,  I  ask,  when  their  chap 
els  are  pulled  down?  Has  that  man  liberty  of  conscience, 
who,  because  he  only  says,  '  LORD  JESUS,  save  my  mas 
ter  ! '  is  thrown  down  and  flogged,  and  then  loaded  with 
an  iron  collar,  fettered  to  a  felon,  and  forced  to  work  on 
the  highways?  Is  that  liberty  of  conscience?  A  long 
letter,  written  by  the  Rev.  George  Bligh  was  then  read  by 


68  LECTURE 

Mr.  Borthwick  ;  but  the  testimony  of  that  gentleman  was 
set  against  a  thousand  proofs  that  no  liberty  of  conscience 
was  enjoyed  in  the  West  Indies.  On  the  subject  of  liber 
ty  of  life  and  limbs,  I  wiH  quote  from  a  work  entitled 
'  West  Indies  as  they  are ; '  written  by  the  Rev.  R.  Bick- 
ell,  a  clergyman  of  the  established  church,  a  member  of 
Cambridge — a  most  singular  coincidence  this,  as  the  gen 
tleman  recently  in  London,  in  the  course  of  a  debate  de 
scribed  himself  as  having  been  schooled  at  Cambridge,  to 
whom  the  testimony,  therefore,  of  a  brother  Cantab  must 
be  peculiarly  grateful — late  naval  chaplain  at  Port-Royal ; 
sometime  curate  of  that  Parish,  and  previously  of  the  city 
of  Kingston. 

*  The  distress  and  terror  among  a  gang  of  negroes,  \\hen  the  marshall's 
deputy,  with  his  dogs,  and  other  assistants,  ccn.es  to  levy  in  a  large  way, 
cannot  be  conceived  by  those  who, happily  for  themselves,  have  never  been 
spectators  of  such  scenes,  and  can  scarcely  be  described  by  those  who  have 
witnessed  them.  I  was  once  on  a  coffee  mountain  (stay  ing  for  a  few  days  with 
a  brother  clergyman,  who  had  permission  to  reside  there)  en  whrch  were 
about  seventy  or  eighty  negroes,  the  proprietor  was  much  in  debt,  and  was 
aware  that  one  or  two  of  his  largest  creditors  had  for  seme  time  wished  to 
make  a  levy  on  his  slaves  to  pay  themselves  ;  but  by  keeping  his  gates  locked, 
and  the  fences  round  the  dwelling  house  and  negro-houses  in  good  repair,  he 
had  hitherto  baffled  die  Argus-eyed  deputy  and  his  deputies.  The  night 
after  I  arrived  on  the  property,  however,  I  was  awaked,  about  an  hour  before 
daylight,  by  a  great  noise,  as  of  arms,  with  cries  of  wcinen  and  childi  en  ;  I  at 
first  scarce  knew  what  it  was,  but  in  a  few  minutes  a  pri\ ate  servant,  who  did 
not  belong  to  the  properly  (and  who  was  in  the  yard,  beyond  the  reach  of  the 
seizors)  came  to  my  window  and  informed  me  that  it  was  the  marshall's  de 
puties  making  a  levy  on  the  negroes,  and  that  the  noise  proceeded  from  the 
clashing  of  weapons  ;  for  some  of  the  slaves,  he  said,  had  stoutly  resisted. 
I  then  alarmed  my  friend,  being  nearer  to  the  scene  of  action  than  hewn?, 
and  we  determined  to  go  cut  to  fee  that  no  improper  use  was  made  of  ihe 
tremendous  power  given  to  these  Cereberuscs.  By  the  time  we  arrived  at 
the  negro-houses  the  resistance  had  ceased;  for  the  wgroes  being  divided, 
had  been  overcome  by  the  myrmidons  of  the  law,  they  being  eight  or  ten  in 
number.  One  poor  fellow,  however,  was  being  dragged  along  like  a  thief  by 
a  fierce  and  horrid  looking  Irishman,  who  had  been  one  of  M'Gregors  free 
booters,  and  who,  when  we  came  near,  grasped  his  victim  more  tightly,  and 
brandished  his  broadsword  over  the  poor  creature  with  the  grin  and  growl 
of  a  demon,  as  much  as  to  say,  you  dog, I  will  annihilate  you  and  them  too, 
if  they  attempt  to  interfere;  though,  of  course,  we  had  not  the  least  inten 
tion  of  interfering;  we  were  only  quiet  spectators.' 

So  much  for  liberty  of  life  and  limb.  Take  a  specimen, 
in  that  state  of  happy  freedom,  of  food,  raiment,  &c. 

'  Children  also  in  many  ins-lances  are  allowed  to  go  quite  naked,  and  I  have 
seen  boys  and  girls,  seven  or  eight  years  of  age,  in  a  state  of  nature,  running 
about  some  houses,  who  for  the  sake  of  common  decency  ought  to  be  clothed  ; 
and  it  is  very  common  to  see  black  boys  and  girls,  twelve  or  thirteen  years  of 
age,  almost  men  and  women,  in  nothing  but  a  shift  ov  shirt,  waiting  at  table; 
so  little  are  the  decencies  of  life  observed  towards  them. 


AT    SALFORD. 


69 


What  can  be  more  absurd  than  to  hear  it  constantly  reiterated,  that  (he 
negroes  in  our  colonies  are  better  fed  and  better  clothed  than  the  British 
peasantry  1 

None  but  a  bigoted  and  low-minded  planter,  or  some  interested  profes 
sional  resident,  who  cannot  return  to  reside  in  this  country,  would  compare 
the  coarse  yams,  and  cocoas,  and  the  stringy  indigestible  plantains,  with  a 
few  bad  or  rotten  herrings,  to  the  wholesome  bread  of  this  country,  and  to 
potatoes  and  other  fine  vegetables,  with  a  small  portion  of  fresli  meat  or 
bacon,  which  the  English  cottager  enjoys.  I  have  seen  a  good  deal  of  the 
state  of  the  English  poor,  having  served  curacies  in  Somersetshire,  Glou 
cestershire,  Monmouthshire,  and  Wiltshire,  besides  having  an  intimate  ac- 
uaintance  with  Devonshire;  and  I  can  conscientiously  say,  that  I  never 
saw  any  one,  even  a  pauper,  who  lived  in  the  mean,  hoggish  way  that  the 
slaves  in  the  West  Indies  do. 

I  can  assert  with  much  truth,  that  the  coarsest  Irish  potatoes,  with  a  little 
milk  and  salt,  are  preferable  to  the  negro  yams  and  green  plantains,  at  least, 
I  would  sooner  have  them;  and  I  think  most  of  the  British  poor  would  ap 
prove  of  my  taste,  had  they  an  opportunity  of  judging. 

The  English  poor  are  also  much  betteY  clothed  ;  for  where  is  there  a  poor 
cottager  that  has  not  a  decent  cloth  of  fustian  coat,  of  any  color  he  pleases, 
with  other  parts  of  his  dress  suitable,  independent  of  good  and  warm  stock 
ings,  and  sound  shoes  to  keep  his  feet  from  the  gravel  and  dirt'?  But  what 
has  the  slave  1  He  has  for  his  best  (from  his  master.,  as  I  before  observed,) 
a  large  baize  surtout,  which  hangs  about  him  like  a  sack,  and  would  as  well 
fit  any  person  you  please  as  himself;  and,  moreover,  a  pair  of  coarse  trowsers 
and  coarse  shirt  of  Oznaburgh,  which,  with  the  coarsest  kind  of  hat  is  hia 
whole  wardrobe;  for  this  is  the  general  livery  or  badge  of  slavery.  The 

female  slaves  arp  rlntluul  aa  much    inferior  to   our  poor  women,  antlhotli  ne- 

gro  men  and  women  are  without  stockings  and  shoes,  and  generally  go  in  a 
half-dressed  state,  viz:  without  coats  or  gowns;  the  womens'  petticoats  up 
to  their  knees;  and  very  often  before  fresli  supplies  are  given  out,  many  of 
them  are  in  a  ragged  state,  and  some  almost  in  a  state  of  nudity  ;  and  yet  it  \» 
said,  they  are  better  off  than  the  poor  in  Great  Britain  !  ' 

What  does  my  opponent  now  say  to  the  blessings  of  Sla 
very — what  becomes  of  his  four  parlors  and  saloon  now 
— his  wine  for  the  old  and  infirm — and  his  thousand  com 
forts,  about  which  the  English  peasant  knows  nothing  ! 

He  next  artfully  appealed  to  the  money-getting  propen 
sities  of  the  people  of  England,  and  said  the  emancipation 
of  the  slave  might  lead  to  a  diminution  in  the  manufac 
tures  of  this  country,  and  stop  the  sale  of  British  calicoes. 
In  proof  he  instances  the  island  of  Hayti.  I  will  now 
quote  an  article  extracted  from  the  Parliamentary  paper, 
No.  178:— 

HAYTI. — <  In  a  bulky  Parliamentary  document  of  last  Session,  numbered 
578,  entitled,  "  Papers  relating  to  the  American  Tariff,"  we  have  discovered 
the  following  facts  respecting  the  trade  of  Hayti  with  the  United  States. 
The  exports  from  the  United  States  to  Hayti  appear  to  consist  of  fish,  oil, 
naval  .stores,  cheese,  flour,  lumber,  carriages,  hats,  saddlery,  beer,  shoes, 
iron,  copper  and  brass  ware,  gun-powder,  &c. ;  and  the  paper  to  which  we 
refer,  (p.  178,)  states,  that  in  the  last  year,  (1826,)  "  The  export  trade  with 
Hayti,  despised  Hayti,  in  domestic  products,  amounted  to  1,251,910  dollars, 


70  LECTURE 

equal  to  the  whole  of  our  exports  to  Russia,  Prussia,  Sweden  and  Norway, 
Denmark,  Spain  and  Portugal."  And  yet  this  is  but  a  portion  of  that  Hay- 
tian  trade,  which  Mr.  Mackenzie  lias  labored  so  assidiously  to  deprecate.' 

Be  not  deceived — abolition  would  greatly  increase  our 
exports — the  slaves  are  already  fond  of  finery,  and  if  re 
munerated  for  their  labor  would  not  be  satisfied  with  the 
9s.  6d.  suit  now  supplied  them  by  their  owners  ;  but  would 
require  from  England  such  supplies  of  our  manufactures,, 
as  would  vastly  benefit  the  country  generally  and  those  dis 
tricts  in  particular,  in  which  such  manufactures  are  con 
ducted.  But  admitting  the  truth  of  what  the  gentleman 
asserts,  I  would  ask,  What !  is  it  come  to  this,  that  we  are 
to  continue  the  foul  abomination,  from  a  fear  that  we 
should  spin  less  yarn,  or  weave  less  calico?  No,  the 
people  of  England  are  not  such  worshippers  of  mammon. 
If  you  witness  an  attempt  to  palliate  slavery,  by  an  appeal 
to  the  pocket,  repudiate  it,  despise  it;  would  you  with 
hold  liberty  from  the  captive,  that  you  might  make  a  little 
more  money  by  keeping  him  in  bonds  1  Will  you,  who 
have  just  obtained  the  elective  franchise,  determine  the 
question  of  liberty  to  others  by  a  reference  to  the  amount 

of  your    exports  ?     The    exports    of  Hayti  wore  alluded  to, 

but  I  would  ask,  if  the  poor  Irish  had  all  they  want  at 
home,  would  they  send  so  much  abroad  ?  I  refer  confi 
dently  to  the  history  of  St.  Domingo,  and  they  who  know 
that  history  will  concur  with  me,  that  it  affords  an  irre 
fragable  proof  of  the  safety  of  abolition.  Not  a  stronger 
proof  of  the  blessings  of  emancipation  could  be  given, 
than  that  the  population  has  doubled  in  twenty  years. 
(Cheers.)  In  the  West  India  islands  there  has  been  an  ab 
solute  decrease  of  50,000  in  the  population  in  ten  years 
and  a  half.  St.  Domingo  never  rebelled  until  an  attempt 
was  made  to  bring  its  inhabitants  back  into  bondage.  The 
island  is  not  blessed  as  our  islands  are  with  religion.  No; 
they  are  better  off  without  religion  than  our  islands  are 
with  it.  There  are  no  religious  slave  owners  there  to 
drive  Christianity  into  their  backs  with  whips  twelve  feet 
long.  If  I  am  challenged  to  the  proof,  it  shall  be  forth 
coming. 

Mr.  Borthwick  alluded  to  Sierra  Leone,  and  said  that 
every  experiment  there  had  utterly  failed — that  nothing  but 
slothfulness,  vice,  and  immorality  prevailed ;  he  broadly 


AT    SALFORD.  71 

asserted  that  the  best  conditioned  of  the  free  negroes 
there  were  worse  off  than  the  most  abject  slave  in  the 
West  Indies,  and  that  the  happiest  free  man  there  was 
more  miserable  than  the  most  wretched  slave  in  Jamaica. 
I  tell  him  it  is  a  falsehood, — and  he  knows  it.  (Tremen 
dous  cheers.)  He  knows  it  to  be  a  base,  fabricated  false 
hood.  I  know  not  whether  it  was  sent  to  him  from  St. 
James's;  but  if  his  employers  so  informed  him,  let  him 
tell  them  that  they  have  been  furnishing  him  with  lies. 
What,  I  now  ask,  constitutes  a  man's  happiness  ?  Is  it 
herrings,  yams,  plantains,  horse-beans,  or  a  horse-whip? 
No  !  If  he  dares  to  reiterate  his  assertion  respecting  Sierra 
Leone,  he  shall  have  the  whole  history  of  that  colony. 
(Hear,  hear.)  He  says  that  the  slaves  should  have  relig 
ious  instruction, — and  that  is  an  argument  also  which 
is  continually  in  the  mouth  of  the  Marquis  of  Chandos ; 
but  let  him  tell  me  if  there  is  one  single  instructor  of 
Christianity  on  the  Marquis  of  Chandos's  estates  in  the 
West  Indies? 

I  implore  you  to  look  at  the  other  side  of  the  question — 
the  danger  of  delaying  emancipation.  Can  the  West  In 
dia  islands  be  in  a  worse  condition  than  now  prevails? 
Colored  men  are  butchered,  without  the  semblance  of  a 
trial — the  frame-work  of  society  is  dissolving,  and  chaos 
is  coming  again.  If  we  do  not  grant  emancipation,  they 
will  liberate  themselves.  I  shall  conclude  my  reply  with 
the  remarks  of  a  great  man  now  deceased.  He  says, 

'  Shame  !  that  any  should  have  been  found  to  speak  lightly  of  liberty, 
whose  worth  is  so  testified — whose  benefits  are  so  numerous  and  so  rich. 
Moralists  have  praised  it — poets  have  sung  it — the  Gospel  has  taught  and 
breathed  it — patriots  and  martyrs  have  died  lor  it.  As  a  temporal  blessing, 
it  is  beyond  all  comparison  and  above  all  praise.  It  is  the  air  we  breathe — 
the  food  we  eat — the  raiment  that  dollies  us — the  sun  that  enlightens,  and 
vivifies,  and  gladdens,  all  on  whom  it  shines.  Without  it,  what  are  honors 
and  riches,  and  all  similar  endowments'?  They  are  the  trappings  of  a  hearse 
— they  are  the  garnishings  of  a  sepulchre;  and  with  it  the  crust  of  bread, 
and  the  cup  of  water,  and  the  lowly  hovel,  and  the  barren  rock,  are  luxuries 
which  it  teaches  and  enables  us  to  rejoice  in.  He  who  knows  what  liberty 
is,  and  can  be  glad  and  happy  when  placed  under  a  tyrant's  rule,  and  at  the 
disposal  of  a  tyrant's  caprice,  is  like  the  man  who  can  laugh  and  be  in 
merry  mood  at .the  grave,  where  he  lias  just  deposited  all  that  should  have  been 
loveliest  in  his  eye,  and  all  that  should  have  been  dearest  to  his  heart.  What 
i»  slavery,  and  what  does  it  do'?  It  darkens  and  degrades  the  intellect — it 
paralyses  the  hand  of  industry — it  is  the  nourisher  of  agonizing  fears  and 
of  sullen  revenge — it  crushes  the  spirit  of  the  bold — it  belies  the  doctrines,  it 
contradicts  the  precepts,  it  resists  the  power,  it  sets  at  defiance  the  sanctions 
of  religion — it  is  the  tempter, and  the  murderer,  and  the  tomb  of  virtue — and 


72  LECTURE 

either  blasts  the  felicity  of  those  over  whom  it  domineers,  or  forces  them  to 
seek  for  relief  from  their  sorrows  in  the  gratifications,  and  the  mirth,  and 
the  madness  of  the  passing  hour.' 

This  extract  is  from  the  pen  of  the  late  Dr.  Andrew 
Thompson,  of  Edinburgh. 

Having  now  occupied  your  attention  for  three  hours  and 
twenty  minutes,  I  beg  once  more,  for  the  fifth  time,  most 
cordially  to  express  to  you  my  thanks  for  the  attention 
which  you  have  afforded  to  me.  I  have  explained  the  na 
ture  of  the  emancipation  we  seek  ;  and  the  safety  and 
justice  of  emancipation  ;  the  advantage  of  a  system  of  free, 
in  preference  to  one  of  compulsory  labor. 

All  that  I  ask  is  liberty  for  the  captive ;  a  release  from 
arbitrary  and  irresponsible  control — and  that  he  should 
henceforth  be  governed  by  equal  laws — administered  by 
judicial  and  responsible  officers. 

Let  it  no  longer  be  objected,  that  we  are  surrounded  by 
miserable  and  starving  beings  at  home,  and  therefore 
ought  to  confine  our  attention  within  the  circle  of  our 
own  neighborhood.  Let  ours  be  a  more  enlarged  philan 
thropy,  which,  while  it  forgets  not  the  object  which  is  near, 
goes  out  after  the  wretched  children  of  oppression,  now 
groaning  for  help  in  the  Colonies.  Far  be  it  from  me  to 
be  an  unmoved  spectator  of  the  ills  of  those  immediately 
around  me  ;  but  while  I  gaze  upon  the  most  abject  of  the 
inhabitants  of  this  island,  I  cannot  help  remembering  that 
here  the  cup  of  misery  goes  round,  and  he  who  drinks  it 
to-day,  passes  it  to  another  to-morrow.  The  starving  and 
the  houseless  of  to-day  are  not  the  starving  and  houseless 
of  to-morrow.  Here  hope  animates  all — the  wheel  of  for 
tune  is  ever  revolving — the  scene  is  ever  shifting,  and  the 
eye  that  weeps  to-day,  may  sparkle  with  joy  to-morrow.  I 
only  ask  that  this  may  be  the  condition  of  the  slave — that 
he  may  exchange  a  state  of  abject  slavery,  in  which  his 
labor  is  exacted  by  the  whip,  for  a  state  of  naked  freedom, 
in  which,  under  the  influence  of  the  ordinary  motives 
which  stimulate  men,. he  may  become  a  cheerful  and  in 
dustrious  peasant;  a  skilful  artizan  ;  or,  an  enterprising 
merchant.  And  shall  I  ask  in  vain?  Shall  I  this  night, 
appearing  as  I  do,  the  advocate -of  800,000  human  beings 
to  whom  we  owe  a  migty  debt,  crave  in  vain  the  bless 
ing  of  homeless — pennyless  FREEDOM.  It  is  impossi- 


AT    SALFORD.  73 

ble !  the  appeal  to  MEN  to  ENGLISHMEN,  and  to  CHRIST 
IANS,  cannot  be  ineffectual. 

I  have  done.  Once  more  let  me  thank  you  for  this 
lengthened  attention,  and  assure  you,  that  I  shall  be  ready 
to  hear  what  more  my  opponent  can  say  in  defence  of 
slavery,  and  should  he  fail  to  convince  me,  you  may  con 
sider  me  pledged  to  give  a  second  refutation,  and  to  do 
again  what  I  trust  I  have  done  to  night — scatter  to  the 
winds  of  heaven  the  sophistries  by  which  it  is  sought  to  up 
hold  a  system  which  insults  the  God  of  heaven,  and  de 
grades  His  image  upon  earth. 


MR.  THOMPSON'S  LECTURE. 

Report  of  the  Proceedings  at  the  meetings  of  Messrs.  Thomp 
son  and  Borthtoick  held  at  the  Royal  Amphitheatre, 
Liverpool,  on  the  Evenings  of  August  28,  29,  30,  31, 
and  September  6,  1832. — From  a  Supplement  of  the 
Liverpool  Times. 

IT  was  announced  last  week,  that  MR.  GEORGE  THOMP 
SON,  one  of  the  advocates  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Societies, 
who  has  been  lecturing  in  London,  Manchester,  and  sev 
eral  other  places,  on  the  evils  of  slavery,  would  deliver  a 
lecture  on  the  same  subject,  at  the  Royal  Amphitheatre, 
in  this  town,  a  place  admirably  suited,  by  its  extent  and 
accommodations,  for  the  thousands  who  might  naturally  be 
expected  to  assemble  together  on  a  question  of  such  vital 
interest  and  importance.  We  seldom  remember  to  have 
seen  so  much  interest  excited  on  any  subject,  as  has  been 
exhibited  by  our  townsmen  within  the  last  few  days.  As 
it  was  deemed  desirable  that  both  sides  of  the  question 
should  be  laid  before  the  public,  after  some  negotiation 
between  the  West  India  body  and  the  committee  of  the 
Anti-Slavery  Society,  it  was  arranged  that  Mr.  Thompson 
should  lecture  on  Tuesday  evening  ;  that  Mr.  Borthwick 
should  speak  on  Wednesday,  on  the  opposite  side ;  that 
Mr.  Thompson  should  be  heard  in  reply  on  Thursday, — 
and  that  the  admission  on  all  the  three  nights  should  be  by 
tickets,  equally  distributed  by  both  parties,  in  order  to  se 
cure  a  select  assemblage,  and  prevent,  as  far  as  possible, 
the  recurrence  of  those  scenes  of  clamor  and  tumult 
which  have  taken  place  elsewhere.  Upwards  of  8,000 
tickets  were  so  distributed,  and  even  then,  almost  up  to 
the  time  of  the  meeting  the  greatest  anxiety  was  exhibited 
to  procure  them,  and  hundreds  of  persons  who  applied 
were  obliged  to  go  away  disappointed.  At  half  past  six 


LECTURE.  75 

on  Tuesday  night,  the  hour  fixed  for  the  commencement 
of  the  proceeding,  the  Amphitheatre  was  crowded  in  every 
part,  from  the  pit  to  the  gallery,  with  a  numerous  and 
most  respectable  assemblage,  the  speaker,  and  several  gen 
tlemen  of  both  committees,  taking  their  station  on  the 
stage,  where  ample  accommodations  was  provided  for  them, 
and  for  the  gentlemen  connected  with  the  press. 

With  these  few  introductory  remarks,  we  shall  proceed 
to  our  summary  report  of  the  discussion. 

MR.  ADAM  HODGSON,  in  taking  the  chair,  said  he  felt 
himself  called  to  a  situation  of  great  delicacy  and  difficul 
ty,  being,  on  the  one  hand,  a  member  of  the  Liverpool 
Anti-Slavery  Society,  and  on  the  other,  and  in  some  de 
gree,  the  representative  of  the  West  Indian  body, — bound 
to  secure  a  fair  and  impartial  hearing  for  both  parties, 
without  any  reference  to  his  own  individual  feelings  and  sen 
timents,  which  had  been  long  before  the  public,  and  which 
nothing  could  induce  him  to  abandon.  He  should  endeav 
or  to  perform  the  duties  of  his  station  with  firmness  and 
impartiality,  trusting  to  the  support  of  the  meeting  ;  and  he 
hoped  that  both  parties  would  behave  with  the  utmost  or 
der  and  decorum,  abstaining  from  all  manifestations  of  ap 
plause  and  disapprobation,  and  remembering  that  no  cause 
whatever  could  be  served  by  clamor,  but  might  be  materi 
ally  injured  by  it.  (Hear,  hear.)  After  some  further  ob 
servations  to  the  same  effect,  Mr.  Hodgson  concluded  by 
saying  that  Mr.  Borthwick  would  reply  to  Mr.  Thompson, 
from  the  same  place,  on  the  following  night,  and  by  re 
questing  for  that  gentleman  the  same  patient  and  attentive 
hearing  as  that  which  he  solicited  for  Mr.  Thompson. 

MR.  G.  THOMPSON  then  came  forward,  and  said  that,, 
after  an  absence  of  twenty  years  from  his  native  town,  he 
trusted  that  he  would  not  be  deemed  altogether  a  stranger 
where  he  appeared  as  an  advocate  of  the  great  cause  he 
was  called  upon  to  plead,  and  that,  as  an  Englishman  and 
fellow-townsman,  he  would  not  be  denied  a  calm,  patient,, 
and  attentive  hearing.  He  did  not  come  to  discuss  the 
wonders  of  the  heavens  or  the  beauties  of  the  earth,  or  to 
lecture  upon  any  subject  of  science,  nature  or  art,  such  as 
those  to  which  other  lecturers  had  called  their  attention  ; 
it  was  his  painful  and  responsible  duty  to  lay  before  them  a 


76  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

theme  of  sorrow,  of  misery,  want,  woe,  and  degradation, — 
of  injustice,  cruelty  and  oppression,  as  exhibited  in  the  his 
tory,  progress,  and  principles,  and  character  of  British  co 
lonial  slavery  ;  to  point  out  the  actual  condition  of  800,- 
000  human  beings  now  in  a  state  of  degrading  bondage  ; 
and  to  ascertain  what  it  was  their  duty,  as  Englishmen 
and  as  Christians,  to  do  on  this  great  and  momentous  ques 
tion.  That  question  was  simply,  whether,  in  the  year 
1832,  there  was  justice  enough,  courage  enough,  piety 
enough,  in  the  British  nation,  to  declare,  at  once  and  for 
ever,  that  the  system  of  slavery  should  be  abolished, — a 
question  involving  the  interests  and  welfare  of  all  men  who 
were  held  in  slavery  throughout  the  world.  (Applause.) 
Christianity  taught  that  they  were  to  do  unto  others  as 
they  would  that  others  should  do  unto  them,  and  that  they 
should  remember  those  who  were  in  bonds,  as  if  they 
themselves  were  in  bondage  too.  If  they  observed  these 
divine  precepts, — if  they  were  disposed  to  yield  obedience 
to  the  high  behests  of  heaven,  all  wordly  considerations 
must  sink  to  nothing  in  their  eyes  before  those  sublime 
and  all-comprehensive  passages  of  Holy  Writ.  (Hear.) 
Religion  taught  them  to  consider  all  mankind,  without  ex 
ception,  as  their  brethren  and  friends;  and  the  time  would 
come  when  even  the  oppressor  of  the  negro  would  be  com 
pelled,  with  fear  and  shame,  to  own  his  victim  as  a  broth 
er,  and  to  give  an  account  of  the  wrongs  and  injuries  that 
had  been  heaped  upon  him.  (Hear,  hear.) 

'  Not  only  has  the  negro  been  denied  the  enjoyment  of 
civil  rights — not  only  has  he  been  doomed  to  '  hew  wood 
and  draw  water  '  for  the  white  man  ;  but  the  benefits  of 
religion  have  been  denied — his  teachers  have  been  perse 
cuted  and  banished — the  house  in  which  he  worshipped 
his  God,  and  in  which  he  was  taught  to  lift  his  eyes  in 
hope  and  confidence  to  one  common  Father — that  house 
has  been  razed  to  its  foundation  ;  thus  particularly,  even 
in  the  present  da •?/,  -has  his  right  to  hope  for  immortality 
been  denied,  and  he  has  been  consigned  to  ignorance  and 
vice,  to  the  labor  and  treatment  of  a  brute  on  earth,  and 
the  destiny  of  a  brute  hereafter.  Yet  his  pale  oppressor 
has  proudly  claimed  immortality  for  himself,  and  has  con 
templated  that  immortality  without  dread  of  the  judgment 


LECTURE.  77 

awaiting  him  for  his  ruthless  conduct  towards  his  sable 
victim.  But  (arid  I  thank  Heaven)  a  title  to  immortality 
is  not  the  exclusive  prerogative  of  the  white  man ;  they 
must  both  die  the  same  death — both  mingle  with  the  same 
earth — both  be  resolved  into  the  same  element — both  be 
judged  at  the  same  tribunal — by  the  same  rule — both  ad 
mitted  to  the  same  heaven,  or  banished  to  the  same  hell. 
Yes  !  let  the  oppressor  die !  let  men  bear  his  corse  to  the 
tomb  decked  with  the  trappings  of  an  earthly  splendor  ! 
let  them  write  his  epitaph  on  marble,  and  celebrate  virtues 
which  he  never  had,  and  let  them  say,  high  on  his  escutch 
eon,  RESURGAM,  RESURGAM,  RESURGAM  !  I  shall  rise  again ; 
and  I  will  visit  the  grave  of  the  lowly  negro,  the  enslaved, 
insulted,  degraded,  and  lacerated  negro,  and  I  will  write 
upon  the  sod  that  covers  his  remains,  RESURGAM,  RESUR 
GAM,  RESURGAM  !  /shall  rise  again.' 

He  was  not  there  to  vilify  any  party  ;  he  was  not  there, 
as  had  been  most  falsely  represented,  to  make  an  attack 
upon  property  and  vested  rights ;  but  he  stood  there 
on  Christian  principles,  only  to  claim  for  the  negro 
equality  of  rights;  to  elevate  the  negro  from  that 
state  of  degradation  in  which  the  avarice  of  mankind 
had  placed  him ;  to  bestow  upon  him  not  merely 
civil  liberty,  but,  under  the  blessing  of  God,  that  more 
hallowed,  more  glorious,  and  more  eduring  liberty,  which 
senators  or  magistrates  could  not  give,  and  all  the  powers 
of  earth  nor  hell  take  away. 

'  A  liberty  unsung 

By  poets,  and  by  senators  unpraised, 
Which  monarchd  cannot  grant,  nor  all  the  powers 
Of  earth  and  hell  confederate  take  away  : 
A  liberty,  which  persecution,  fraud, 
Oppression,  prisons,  have  no  power  to  bind ; 
Which  whoso  tastes  can  be  enslaved  110  more.'       (Applause.) 

He  took  his  stand  upon  the  broad  and  immutable  princi 
ples  of  justice  and  mercy,  truth  and  love,  and  asked 
whether  Englishmen,  on  these  grounds,  would  not  open 
the  prison  doors  and  bid  the  oppressed  go  free  ;  would  not 


78  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

vindicate  their  love  of  liberty  before  the  whole  world,  and 
thus  free  themselves  from  the  guilt  of  fostering,  within  the 
very  heart  of  their  dominions,  the  foulest  system  that  had 
ever  denied  the  earth  or  insulted  Heaven.  (Applause.) 
He  demanded  immediate  and  total  emancipation  for  the 
negro;  not  an  emancipation  from  the  restraints  of  law 
and  justice  to  which  Englishmen  themselves  were  subject ; 
but  emancipation  from  the  whip ;  emancipation  from  that 
odious  and  impious  system  which  gave  man  the  right  of 
property  in  the  bodies  and  souls  of  his  fellow-men,  and  the 
substitution  of  public  and  and  recognised  authority,  for 
private  and  irresponsible  power,  He  asked  only  for  such 
an  alteration  of  the  law  as  would  best  promote  the  inter 
ests  of  all  parties ;  as  would  secure  to  the  negro  the  pos 
session  of  all  his  rights ;  give  safety  to  the  planters,  and 
provide  for  the  proper  cultivation  of  the  soil.  If  he  of 
fended,  that  was  '  the  head  and  front  of  his  offending.' 
(Applause.)  He  had  not  then  time  to  trace  the  history 
and  effects  of  slavery.  Were  he  to  do  so  he  would  have 
to  carry  them  back  340  years,  when  Columbus  first  dis 
covered  those  beautiful  isles,  now  constituting  the  British 
West  Indies,  standing  out  like  emerald  spots  in  the  waste 
of  waters — the  innocent  and  amiable  inhabitants  of  which 
imagined  Englishmen  to  be  visitors  from  heaven,  until  they 
found  how  grievously  they  had  been  deceived  ;  he  should 
have  to  tell  the  horrid  barbarities  perpetrated  by  the  Span 
iards,  and  how,  after  having  stained  the  earth  with  the 
blood  of  their  victims,  and  almost  depopulated  the  land, 
they  were  obliged  to  procure  fresh  victims  to  minister  to 
their  avarice  and  cupidity,  and  he  should  then  come  to  the 
commencement  of  that  odious  and  abominable  traffic,  in 
which  this  town  had,  unfortunately,  so  large  a  share,  the 
African  Slave  Trade.  It  might  be  alleged  that  this  was 
the  crime  of  a  former  age ;  he  admitted  it ;  they  might  if 
they  would,  make  him  the  representative  of  all  the  guilt 
incurred,  but  he  begged,  he  implored  them  to  allow  him 
to  make  all  reparation  in  his  power  to  the  sons  and  daugh 
ters  of  the  oppressed,  whilst  it  was  in  his  power — whilst 
the  colonies  yet  existed,  whilst  the  victim  still  breathed. 
(Hear,  hear.) 

Sir  J.  Hawkins  who  first  introduced   this   trade,  told 
Queen  Elizabeth,  with   consummate  deception,  that  the 


LECTURE.  79 

slaves  had  been  removed  with  their  own  free  will,  and  that 
the  object  of  the  merchants  in  removing  them,  was,  for 
sooth,  that  they  might  be  converted  to  Christianity.  The 
Queen  had  her  misgivings  on  the  subject,  and  told  Haw 
kins  that  if  the  slaves  were  dragged  away  from  their  homes 
without  their  own  consent,  he  would  bring  down  the  ven 
geance  of  heaven  upon  the  country,  and  fearful  would  be 
the  consequences  of  the  crime.  (Hear,  hear.)  He  had 
not  now  time  to  describe  the  scenes  since  transacted  on 
the  shores  of  Western  Africa,  in  the  prosecution  of  this 
horrid  traffic — the  ravaged  towns,  the  smoking  villages, 
the  desolated  plains,  the  deserts  covered  with  victims, 
fainting,  bleeding  and  dying  by  the  way  ;  he  had  not  time 
to  describe  that  floating  hell — a  slave  ship — from  whence 
continually  proceeded  the  sounds  of  weeping,  wailing  and 
gnashing  of  teeth — or  the  soul  sickening  scenes  of  the 
sl.ave  market — the  passing  of  money  from  hand  to  hand, 
followed  by  the  transfer  of  human  and  immortal  beings, 
bought  and  sold  like  beasts  of  burthen — or  to  recapitulate 
the  insults  and  wrongs,  toils  and  woes,  heaped  on  the  heads 
of  successive  generations  from  that  time  even  until  now. 
For  all  these  purposes  the  time  would  utterly  fail,  and  he 
therefore  came  to  that  portion  of  the  subject  with  which  he 
had  now  more  immediately  to  deal — namely,  the  present 
condition  of  the  800,000  human  beings,  now  in  bondage 
within  the  confines  of  the  British  dominions,  and  the  duty 
of  Englishmen  towards  this  long  injured  portion  of  the 
human  family.  After  adverting  to  the  writings  of  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Godwin,  Richard  Baxter,  the  eminent  nonconformist, 
Dr.  Peter,  Bishop  Warburton,  and  Dr.  Samuel  Johnson, 
against  slavery— and  the  mission  of  JohnWoolman,  and  An 
thony  Bcnnezet,  through  the  United  States,  endeavoring  to 
persuade  the  planters  to  give  freedom  to  their  slaves, — 
Mr.  Thompson  called  the  attention  of  the  meeting  to  the 
facts  that  the  Society  of  Friends  had  long  ago  declared 
slavery  to  be  inconsistent  with  Christianity,  that  they  had 
given  up  all  their  property  in  slaves — and  that  the  holding 
of  a  single  human  being  in  bondage,  was  sufficient  to  ex 
clude  any  man  from  their  communion.  (Applause.) 
Would  to  heaven,  he  said,  that  all  denominations  of 
Christians  had  imitated  that  holy  and  praiseworthy  exam 
ple  !  He  would  not  then  have  had  to  appear  before  the 


80  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

meeting  to  discuss  the  subject  of  slavery,  nor  would  those 
who  wished  to  gloss  over  the  system  have  had  the  trouble 
of  following  him,  to  use  the  polite  words  of  one  of  them, 
like  his  evil  genius,  thwarting  his  endeavors,  and  endeav 
oring  to  show  that  his  Christianity  was  not  the  Christian 
ity  of  the  Bible. 

'  But,  Sirs,  you  are  my  judges  :  have  I  libelled  Christi 
anity  ?  Do  I  misstate  its  principles,  its  genius,  its  ten 
dency,  its  doctrines,  its  precepts,  its  examples,  when  I  say 
that  they  all  conspire  to  teach  me  that  I  should  love  my 
neighbor  as  myself, — that  I  should  feel  the  kindlings  of 
charity  toward  all  mankind,  and  that  I  should  do  unto 
others  as  I  would  that  others  should  do  unto  me  ?  I  ask 
myself,  should  I  like  to  be  a  SLAVE  ?  I  look  upon  the 
thousands  around  me,  and  I  ask,  Is  there  one  here  who 
would  wish  to  be  a  SLAVE  ?  And  the  answer  which  comes 
to  me  from  every  heart  and  every  tongue  is,  No.  Well, 
then,  if  liberty  be  good  for  me, — if  it  be  good  for  you, — 
if  it  be  good  for  our  brothers,  our  friends,  our  wives,  our 
children,  our  neighbors,  and  our  countrymen  ; — if  it  be  the 
wholesome  atmosphere  we  breathe, — if  without  it  we 
should  become  diseased,  and  wretched,  and  despised — 
then  is  it  good  for  every  man  ;  and  I  claim  it  for  the 
negro.  If  you  say  he  knows  not  his  own  value,  nor 
the  value  of  liberty,  I  answer,  he  can  never  learn  their 
worth  in  slavery.  Freedom  alone  can  restore  him  to  the 
full  dignity  of  his  nature.  Charge  not  his  present  degra 
dation  upon  his  Creator  ;  say  not  he  is  the  descendant  of 
Ham,  and  therefore  debased.  Give  him  liberty — give  him 
kindness — give  him  education  ;  treat  him  with  love,  and 
own  him  as  a  brother,  and  he  springs  at  once  from  the 
earth,  and  grows  into  the  full  stature  of  a  rational,  account 
able,  and  immortal  being.' 

Mr.  Thompson,  in  adverting  to  the  famous  decision  of 
the  Judges  in  Westminster,  obtained  by  Granville  Sharpe, 
that  the  moment  a  slave  set  his  foot  on  English  soil  he  be 
came  free,  remarked  that  the  slave  thus  enfraachised  by 
the  fiat  of  the  laws,  might  be  the  most  abandoned,  degra 
ded,  and  worthless  of  his  race,  and  quoted  the  beautiful 
lines  from  Cowper's  «  Task,' 

*  We  have  no  slaves  at  home — then  why  abroad  1 
And  they  themselves,  once  ferried  o'er  the  wave 


LECTURE.  81 

That  parts  us,  are  emancipate  and  loose. 

Slaves  cannot  breathe  in  England  !  if  their  lungs 

Receive  our  air,  that  moment  they  are  free  ! 

They  touch  our  country,  and  their  shackles  fall ! 

That 's  noble  !  and  bespeaks  a  nation  proud 

And  jealous  of  the  blessing  :  spread  it,  then, 

And  let  it  circulate  through  every  vein 

Of  all  our  empire,  that  when  Britain's  power 

Is  felt,  mankind  may  feel  her  mercy  too.'       (Immense  cheering.) 

After  a  brief  history  of  the  struggles  which  led  to  the  abol 
ition  of  the  slave  trade  in  1807,  and  an  eulogium  on  Wes 
ley,  Clarkson,  Wilberforce,  Fox,  Burke  Sheridan,  and 
other  philanthropists  who  took  part  in  those  struggles,  Mr. 
Thompson  said  that  they  were  now  met  together  to  say 
whether  something  more  did  not  remain  to  be  done  before 
England  could  be  thoroughly  purged  from  the  guilt  of  sla 
very,  and  whether  that  something  more  was  not  the  entire 
annihilation  of  slavery  in  the  colonies.  They  were  as 
sembled  to  discuss  the  evils  of  slavery,  and  he  begged  the 
particular  attention  of  those  who  were  to  reply  to  him, 
whilst  he  endeavored  to  show  that  slavery  was  contrary  to 
the  principles  of  humanity,  the  precepts  of  reason,  and  the 
dictates  of  a  sound  and  just  policy.  One  of  the  evils  of 
slavery  which  met  him  on  the  threshold,  was,  that  it  inva 
riably  cursed  the  soil  on  which  it  existed,  with  sterility; — 
he  need  not,  he  was  sure,  tell  the  inhabitants  of  Liverpool 
that  the  incessant- reaping  of  ripe  crops  from  the  same 
soil  must  necessarily  produce  that  sterility.  Another  of  its 
evils  was,  that  it  had  been  the  origin  of  the  slave  trade 
in  all  ages  of  the  world.  Another  evil  was,  that  it  doom 
ed  an  infant,  even  before  it  came  into  the  world,  to  inter 
minable  slavery.  They  were  told  that  the  only  reason  for 
withholding  freedom  from  the  negro  was,  that  he  was  not 
yet  fit  to  receive  the  blessing  ;  but  how  did  this  apply  to 
the  unborn  child  1  Could  he  not  be  trained  for  liberty  ? 
(Loud  applause.)  Pharaoh  pleaded  the  same  excuse  for 
detaining  the  Israelites  till  the  judgments  of  God  compel 
led  him  to  release  them  ;  and  Pharaoh's  reason  was  of  the 
same  nature  as  that  of  modern  slave  owners, — he  wanted 
more  bricks,  and  they  wanted  more  sugar.  (Laughter  and 
applause.)  He  asked  liberty  for  every  infant  born  in  the 


82  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

British  colonies.  Tell  him  not  of  the  alleged  inhumanity 
of  negro  mothers — tell  him  not  that  planters  and  drivers 
were  the  best  nurses  for  children.  Did  not  the  raven,  the 
tigress — did  every  brute  beast  provide  for  their  young  ; 
and  could  it  be  said  that  the  negro  mother  would  not  pro 
vide  for  hers?  (Applause.)  Did  the  planters  know  how 
much  responsibility  they  were  creating  for  themselves  in 
taking  possession  of  an  immortal  soul  ?  At  the  last  awful 
day  would  they  be  able  to  answer  the  question  why  they 
had  enslaved  their  fellow-man  1  What  might  that  child 
have  become  had  he  not  been  doomed  from  the  womb  to  till 
the  ground  as  a  slave,  under  the  infliction  of 

'Stripes  that  Mercy,  with  a  bleeding  heart, 
Weeps  when  she  sees  inflicted  on  a  beast  1 ' 

Another  evil  of  slavery  is,  that  it  depresses  the  body  by 
excessive  labor,  while  it  takes  from  the  slave  all  the  or 
dinary  motives  of  exertion.  Mr.  Thompson  here  gave  a 
very  beautiful  exposition  of  the  motives  and  incentives 
which  induce  the  English  laborer  to  pursue  his  toils  with 
cheerfulness  and  contentment.  The  statesman,  the  sol 
dier,  the  sailor,  and  every  class  of  persons  who  engage  in 
laborious  pursuits,  either  mental  or  bodily,  are  actuated  by 
similar  motives.  But  why  toils  the  negro?  Toils  he  for 
a  wife  ?  He  may  say  with  Othello, 

Alas  !  I  have  no  wife  ! 

While  engaged  in  his  task  he  might  hear  the  shrieks  of 
his  wife  in  some  adjoining  field,  laid  down  by  the  com 
mand  of  some  cruel  overseer,  and  writhing  beneath  the 
murderous  lash.  She  is  not  his  wife,  for  she  is  the  pro 
perty  of  another.  Toils  he  for  children?  Toils  he  for 
liberty — for  himself,  or  that  he  may  transmit  the  boon  of 
freedom  to  his  posterity?  Toils  he  for  remuneration,  for 
fame,  for  promotion,  or  any  of  the  other  rewards  of  labor? 
No.  Then  why  does  he  toil  ?  The  whip  is  behind  him  ! 
Fear  is  the  only  impulse  which  urges  him  to  continue  his 
degrading  and  laborious  task.  Slavery  entailed  on  the 
slave  all  imaginable  suffering.  There  was  no  species  of 
misery,  or  wretchedness,  or  oppression  to  which  he  was 


LECTURE.  83 

not  exposed  and  subjected.  If  this  were  denied,  he  would 
load  the  table,  and  overwhelm  his  opponents  with  evidence 
of  the  fact.  They  might,  perhaps,  be  told,  as  he  had  been, 
that  the  slave  had  four  parlors  and  a  saloon  in  the  middle ! 
(Laughter.)  He  could  prove  that  the  privations  and  suf 
ferings  of  the  slave  were  extreme,  even  in  the  best  regula 
ted  colonies,  and  under  the  most  humane  masters. 
Among  the  evils  of  slavery  were  poverty,  nakedness,  star 
vation,  imprisonment.  If  this  were  denied,  he  could  refer 
to  a  Parliamentary  report  which  he  had  in  his  hand, 
and  which  it  was  declared  by  the  West  Indians  them 
selves,  that  they  had  not  a  sufficiency  of  food  for  their 
slaves.  Such  therefore  was  the  *  economical '  oppression 
of  the  system,  as  it  had  been  appropriately  termed, 
that  the  slaves  even  of  the  best  masters  were  exposed 
to  poverty  and  starvation.  As  for  imprisonment,  the 
bailiff,  with  his  marshal  and  his  dogs,  might  come  in 
the  middle  of  the  night,  seize  the  slave  in  his  cabin,  and 
sell  him  by  auction  next  morning  to  the  highest  bidder,  for 
the  payment  of  his  master's  debts.  To  this  the  slaves  of 
the  kindest  master  were  liable;  even  the  master,  by  un 
usual  kindness  to  his  slaves,  might  bring  himself  to  prema 
ture  ruin.  It  was  said  that  there  was  slavery  here.  But 
he  would  affirm  that  there  was  no  slavery  in  Britain  at  all 
approximating  to  the  West  Indian  slavery.  Could  they 
produce  a  man  or  woman,  the  poorest  and  most  wretched 
in  the  land,  whose  names  were  engrossed  on  parchment 
and  mortgaged  to  a  money  lender  ?  Could  a  man  be  seiz 
ed  during  the  night  by  a  civil  officer,  and  sold  by  auction 
for  his  master's  debts?  Or  could  they  find  in  the  coun 
try  a  man  so  poorer  so  miserable  that  he  would  exchange 
his  condition  for  that  of  the  negro  ?  (Cries  of  '  Not  one  ' 
— 'thousands' — 'not  one.')  Another  evil  of  slavery,  and 
he  begged  that  it  might  be  noticed  in  the  reply,  was  the 
fearful  decrease  in  the  slave  population.  In  our  sugar 
colonies,  with  one  exception,  the  slave  population  were 
dying  off  so  fast,  that  in  something  better  than  half  a  cen 
tury  they  would  be  extinct.  Mr.  Thompson  here  broke 
into  an  eloquent  denunciation  of  those  who  wished  to  de 
lay  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves — who  would  coolly  wait 
until  slavery  and  death  had  done  their  work,  till  desolation 
had  overspread  the  colonies,  and  the  slaves  had  become 


84  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

extinct,  and  till,  when  at  length  they  would  be  merciful, 
there  would  be  none  to  receive  their  mercy.  Why  should 
they  wait?  'What!  wait?  arid  let  weeping  mercy  plead 
in  vain  ?  and  let  insulted  justice  demand  her  rights  in  vain  ? 
Wait?  and  let  ignorance,  and  vice,  and  cruelty,  brooding 
o'er  the  colonies,  do  their  soul  destroying  work  ?  Wait  ? 
Ay,  WAIT?  and  magnanimously  charge  it  upon  our  pos 
terity  to  do  that  which  we  are  either  ashamed  or  afraid  to 
do.  But  will  tortures  wait  ?  Will  the  whips  wait  ?  Will 
the  money-lender  wait  ?  Will  danger  wait  ?  Will  Heaven 
wait?  (Applause.)  Humanity  and  reason,  and  mercy 
and  justice,  and  truth,  and  love,  and  religion — every  thing 
on  earth  that  was  worth  prizing,  or  in  heaven  that  was  au 
thoritative — united  in  saying,  '  Let  them  go.' 

Another  evil  of  slavery  was  the  inequality  of  the  laws. 
In  every  island  there  was  one  law  for  the  master  and  another 
for  the  slave.  Another  evil,  was  the  mode  of  administering 
of  justice,  as  it  was  called,  even  under  these  laws,  unequal 
as  they  were.  He  had  been  taunted  by  being  shown  a 
West  Indian  code  for  the  protection  of  the  slave.  But  on 
examination  it  was  found  to  be  not  the  code  of  Jamaica, 
but  some  other  document  got  up  by  the  West  India  body 
in  the  form  of  an  act  of  the  legislature,  for  the  purpose  of 
deception.  A  law  indeed  had  been  passed,  and  was  cal 
led,  '  a  law  to  restrain  arbitrary  punishment;'  but  that 
law  allowed  any  driver,  overseer,  or  bookeeper  to  inflct  39 
lashes  with  a  cart-whip  of  Jamaica  at  his  own  discretion. 
What  was  a  Jamaica  cart-whip  ?  Let  them  ask  Mr.  Bar 
ret,  a  member  of  the  colonial  legislature,  and  he  would 
tell  them  that  39  lashes  of  a  cart-whip  might  be  made  to 
inflict  as  much  punishment  as  500  lashes  with  a  cat-o- 
nine-tails.  Let  them  ask  Mr.  Barret,  the  missionary.  He 
saw  a  man  driving  some  mules,  and  he  asked  a  negro 
driver  who  was  passing  with  his  whip  around  his  neck,  to 
apply  it  to  one  of  the  mules.  The  driver  did  so,  and  with 
one  cut  of  the  whip  laid  the  flank  of  the  animal  open. — 
Let  them  ask  Mr.  Knibb,  the  missionary,  who  had  lately 
been  exposing  in  this  town  some  of  the  evils  of  slavery. 
(He,  Mr.  Thompson)  asked  him  at  Manchester,  what  sort 
of  instrument  a  Jamaica  cart-whip  really  was.  Mr.  Knibb 
replied  that  a  skilful  driver,  with  39  lashes  need  not  leave 
an  ounce  of  flesh  on  the  back  of  a  negro.  (A  voice  from 


LECTURE.  85 

the    boxes — '  That's   a  d n  lie,' — great  uproar,  \vith 

cries  of  '  Turn  him  out.')     Mr.  Thompson  appealed  for  the 
truth  of  his   statement  to  a  friend  behind  him,  Mr.  Peter 
Clare  of  Manchester,  who  at  once  stated  that  he  heard  Mr. 
Kuibb  make  the  observation  referred  to   by  Mr.  Thomp 
son.     Mr.  Thompson  then  resumed,  and  observed  that  he 
advanced  the  statement  he  had  made  in  the  full  knowledge 
that  he  was  to  be  replied  to  on  the  following  evening,  and 
he    must  say   that  the  gentleman  in  the  boxes    paid    his 
champion  a   poor    compliment  in  thus  anticipating    him. 
Another  of  the    evils  of  slavery  was  the  difficulty  which 
the  slave  found    in    obtaining  redress.     It  was  notorious 
that  more  punishments  were  inflicted  for  what  were  term 
ed,  frivolous  and  vexatious  complaints  on  the  part  of  slaves, 
than  for  all  other  causes  whatever.     A  slave  who  came  to 
complain  of  ill-treatment    generally  went    back    with  ten, 
twenty,  or  thirty  lashes  on  his  back  for  his  presumption. 
Another   evil  was  the   inadmissibility  of  slave  evidence. 
Another   was   the    inveterate  distinction    of  caste  which 
was  kept  up  in  the  colonies,  and  which  placed  the  free  man 
of  color,  as  well  as  the  negro,  below  the  level  of  the  whites. 
Another  evil  is  the  ignorance  which  is  the  universal  con 
comitant   of  slavery.     Another    was   the  loss  of  self  res 
pect  sustained  by  the    slaves  ;  for  it  was  well  observed  by 
an  old  English  writer,  that  the  moment  you  make  any  one 
a  slave  you  extinguish  half  the  man  within  him.     Another 
evil  was  the  pride,  self-complacence  and  despotism,  which 
were  engendered  in  the  mind  of  the  master.    The  polite 
ness  of  a  planter  to  his  friend,  was  no  proof  of  his  human 
ity  to  his   slaves;  and  he,    (Mr.    Thompson)    contended, 
that  not  even  a  Wilberforce,  or  a  .Howard,  was  capable  of 
being  entrusted  with    unlimited  and  irresponsible   control 
over  five  hundred    of  his   fellow    creatures.     Another  evil 
was  the  licentiousness,   immorality,  and  sensuality  which 
were   the  consequence  of  the  master's  control.     Another 
was  the  danger  of  slavery.     He  would  lay  it  down  as  an 
undeniable  position,  that  no  danger  was  so   great,  as  the 
danger  of  wrong  doing.     No  danger  could  possibly  result 
from  doing   right,  so  great  is  the  danger  of  doing  wrong. 
There    was  the   danger  arising    from    insurrection,  from 
conspiracy,  the  danger  of  being  assassinated,  and  the  dan 
ger  of  Heaven  interfering  in  behalf  of  the  oppressed.     Why 
8 


86  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

did  the  slaves  rebel  1  It  was  not  for  yams  or  clothing. 
It  was  not  for  the  houses  or  wives  *>f  the  planters.  It  was 
for  liberty.  The  wonder  was  not  there  were  so  many  in 
surrections,  but  that  there  were  so  few.  Another  evil  was, 
persecution  in  all  its  forms.  Let  the  demolished  chapels, 
the  proscribed  missionaries,  the  tortured  slaves,  all  attest 
this.  Another  was,  the  disregard  of  religion,  for  how  can 
the  upholder  of  slavery  possibly  regard  that  religion  which 
teaches  the  doctrines  of  universal  benevolence.  Anoth 
er  was,  the  desecration  of  the  sabbath.  Another  evil 
was,  that  the  continuance  of  slavery  tended  to  destroy  all 
friendly  intercourse  between  the  colonies  and  Britain. 
Could  any  cordiality  subsist  between  those  who  advocated 
slavery  and  those  who  urged  its  abolition  ?  Could  any 
compromise  take  place  ?  Could  the  Anti-Slavery  Society 
be  put  down  ?  Who  were  the  Anti-Slavery  Society  ? 
They  were  ninety-nine  out  of  every  hundred  of  the  pop 
ulation  of  the  British  Kingdoms.  They  were  the  reli 
gious,  the  humane,  the  enlightened,  the  benevolent  all 
throughout  the  kingdom.  Among  the  other  evils,  were  the 
insecurity  arising  from  slavery,  its  impolicy,  and  its  expen- 
siveness.  The  champion  of  the  planters  admitted  that 
free  labor  would  be  cheaper  than  slave  labor,  and  said 
that  the  masters  only  held  the  slaves  from  motives  of  hu 
manity — (laughter) — that  the  masters  would  be  gainers  by 
the  change,  but  as  they  did  not  want  the  young  ones  to 
perish,  or  the  old  ones  to  want  a  friend,  therefore  they 
kept  up  slavery.  (Great  laughter.)  Slavery  was  unlawful, 
because  the  laws  of  the  colonies  were  not  consonant  with 
the  spirit  of  the  British  laws.  Mr.  Thompson  then  pro 
ceeded  rapidly  to  expose  the  inconsistency  of  slavery  with 
religion,  and  to  denounce  the  cowardice  of  talking  of  the 
danger  of  abolition.  He  also  exposed  the  meanness  of 
the  system  which  took  advantage  of  the  docile  and  sub 
missive  character  of  the  African  negro  to  enslave  him. 
They  dare  not  trample  on  the  strong  or  the  wise  ;  they 
dare  not  go  to  New  Zealand,  or  North  America  for  slaves. 
The  slaves,  when  they  resisted  the  iron  sway  of  their 
oppressors,  were  assailed  by  Sir  Willoughby  Cotton,  and 
the  John  Hull,  and  the  Morning  Post,  and  Blackwood, 
and  M'Queen,  with  every  abusive  epithet,  and  were  called 
rebels,  and  ruffians,  and  '  infamous  wretches.'  How 


LECTURE.  87 

did  they  speak  of  the  Poles  and  the  French,  and  the 
Greeks,  and  other  brave  nations  which  were  struggling 
for  freedom  ?  How  did  they  speak  of  Tell,  and  other 
heroes  and  patriots,  who  had  achieved  for  themselves  an 
imperishable  name  on  the  records  of  Fame  ?  Were  they 
rebels  ?  Were  they  ruffians  ?  Yet  the  same  thirst  for 
liberty  animated  both.  And  how  were  the  insurrection 
ists  of  Jamaica  answered?  With  the  gibbet.  When  a 
slave  was  brought  before  a  court  martial  in  Jamaica,  the 
only  question  was, — '  Was  he  taken  in  arms?3  If  the  re 
ply  was  '  Yes/ — c  then,'  said  the  president,  '  take  him  and 
give  him  instant  manumission!1  and  he  was  forthwith  led 
off  to  the  scaffold  without  the  form  or  pretence  of  a  trial. 
Mr.  Thompson  then  alluded  to  a  mean,  lying,  anonymous 
pamphlet,  entitled  '  Hints  for  those  who  propose  attending 
the  meeting  at  Exeter  Hall,  on  Wednesday,  the  15th  of 
August.'  The  writer  of  that  pamphlet  tried  to  fix  all  the 
blame  of  the  insurrection  on  the  devoted  and  praiseworthy 
missionary.  The  only  proof  offered  is  the  confession  of 
certain  condemned  negroes,  taken  in  their  cells  by  the 
planters,  and  published  by  the  planters;  and  upon  this 
evidence  the  writer  says — '  Nobody  who  reads  these  con 
fessions  can  doubt  that  they  were  misled  by  mischievous 
sectarian  preachers,  especially  the  Baptists.'  As  for  charg« 
ing  it  on  the  missionaries,  they  might  as  well  charge  it  oa 
the  Archangel  Gabriel,  or  on  the  Christian  ministers  who 
now  surrounded  him.  There  was  no  man  so  much  enti 
tled  to  their  esteem  as  the  West  Indian  missionary.  What 
had  he  done  ?  He  had  soothed  the  negro's  fears  and  ele 
vated  his  hopes,  and  led  him  to  the  altar  of  our  common 
father,  and  taught  him  to  join  in  that  heavenly  anthem, — 
'  We  praise  thee  O  God,  we  acknowledge  thee  to  be  the 
Lord.'  These  were  the  men  of  whom  the  editor  of  a  Jamai 
ca  paper  said  that  he  would  rejoice  to  see  them  hanging  in 
the  woods  of  St.  James's  and  Trelawney,  that  they  might 
diversify  the  scene  ;  nnd  of  whom  a  member  of  the  House 
of  Commons  had  spoken  in  terms  little  less  ferocious, 
We  owed  the  possession  of  our  colonies  to  the  missionaries. 
Mr.  Thompson  then,  after  alluding  to  the  selfishness  of 
slavery,  referred  to  the  question  of  compensation,  and  said 
he  should  like  to  compute  what  was  due  to  the  negro,  and 
what  to  the  planter,  and  to  strike  a  balance  between  them 


88  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

The  advocates  of  slavery,  if  not  planters  themselves,  most 
ly  had  an  interest  in  the  property  of  planters,  and  many 
of  them  held  mortgages  over  their  slaves.  They  were  dab 
blers  in  the  system,  and  their  eloquent  invocations  of  feel 
ing  in  behalf  of  the  planter  and  his  family  were  thus  re 
duced  to  mere  empty,  heartless,  hypocritical  declamation. 
Mr.  Thompson  finally  alluded  to  the  impiety  and  guilt  of 
slavery,  but  observed  that  time  did  not  permit  him  to  illus 
trate  these  He  concluded  a  long,  eloquent  and  impas 
sioned  address,  of  nearly  two  hours  and  a  half,  in  the  fol 
lowing  words  : 

*  Ladies  and  Gentlemen,  I  must  now  conclude.  On  an 
other  occasion,  if  I  have  the  strength  and  opportunity,  I 
shall  say  something  more  of  the  impiety  of  slavery,  and  the 
guilt  of  slavery.  I  think  I  have  already  said  enough  to 
give  my  friend  on  the  other  side  an  opportunity  to  reply. 
I  have  supplied  him  with  a  text,  I  have  drawn  out  the 
skeleton  of  the  discourse,  I  have  been  his  pioneer,  and  it 
is  for  him  to  travel  in  the  road  which  I  have  marked  out. 
Much  joy  I  wish  him  on  his  journey.  If  he  can  bring  you 
to  say  that  slavery  is  right,  that  slavery  is  politic,  that  sla 
very  is  necessary,  nay,  even  that  it  is  expedient,  then  I 
say  that,  common  sense,  is  not  common  sense,  justir.p 
is  not  justice,  piety  is  not  piety,  religion  is  not  religion, 
mercy  is  not  mercy,  love  is  not  love.  I  leave  this 
task  to  him.  I  cordially,  and  from  my  heart  of  hearts, 
thank  you  for  the  patient  attention  with  which  you  have 
heard  me ;  and  there  being  many  here  who  do  not  per 
fectly  agree  with  me,  I  the  more  thank  them  for  the  gentle 
manly,  patient,  and  forbearing  manner  in  which  they  have 
listened  to  sentiments  that  do  not  accord  with  their  own. 
I  charge  and  entreat  those  who  do  agree  with  me,  not  to 
hiss  or  attempt  to  interrupt  the  advocate  of  the  West  In 
dia  body,  when  he  addresses  them  to-morrow  night  from 
this  place,  but  to  give  him  as  patient  and  attentive  a  hear 
ing  as  that  which  has  been  granted  to  me.'  (Much  cheer 
ing  and  clapping  of  hands.) 

Mr.  Hodgson,  the  chairman,  after  expressing  his  hearty 
concurrence  in  Mr.  Thompson's  concluding  observations, 
declared  the  meeting  to  be  dissolved.  The  audience  then 
slowly  withdrew.  A  collection  was  made  at  the  doors  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  the  evening. 


MR.  BORTHWICK'S  LECTURE. 

On  Wednesday  evening,  at  the  same  hour,  the  Amphi 
theatre  was  again  crowded  with  a  numerous  assemblage 
to  hear  the  reply  of  Mr.  Borthwick,  the  agent  of  the 
West  Indian  body  in  this  country. 

Mr.  ADAM  HODGSON  was  again  called  to  the  chair,  and 
after  a  neat  and  appropriate  address,  expressed  a  hope  that 
the  same  order  and  decorum  which  had  characterized  the 
proceedings  of  the  first  night's  discussion,  would  be  exhib 
ited  on  the  present  occasion. 

Mr.  BORTIIWICK  then  stood  forward  and  said,  that  the 
gentleman  who  lectured  on  the  preceding  evening  was  the 
agent  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Society,  a  body  of  men  whose 
object  was  to  obtain  what  they  called  immediate  emanci 
pation,  but  which,  after  all,  they  defined  not  to  be  imme 
diate  emancipation,  but  the  substitution  of  what  they  cal 
led  responsible  and  public  authority,  for  private  and  irres 
ponsible  authority.  It  was  his  object  to  show  that,  in  the 
first  sense,  immediate  emancipation  was  not  attainable  in 
the  present  state  of  things  ;  and  as  for  the  second  sense, 
that  did  not  seem  to  him  to  posses  any  determined  or  de 
finite  meaning.  He  had  sufficient  experience  of  Mr. 
Thompson  as  a  lecturer  to  know  that  that  gentlemen  would 
not  be  satisfied  if  he  merely  attacked  principles,  and  thus 
overthrew,  or  attempted  to  overthrow,  the  arguments  found-, 
ed  upon  them,  unless  he  also  went  through  every  indivii 
dual  argument  or  illustration,  and  overthrew  that  also. 
This  would  be  his  (Mr.  B.'s)  object  to  do  in  the  first  in 
stance,  and,  in  the  second  place,  to  introduce  a  few  ar 
guments,  totally  unconnected  with  last  night's  lecture,  in 
order  to  show  the  impracticability,  the  danger,  the  immor 
ality,  and  the  sin  of  any  attempt  immediately  to  emanci 
pate,  unconditionally,  the  slave  of  the  West  Indian  colo 
nies.  Before  doing  so,  he  must  congratulate  himself,  Mr, 
Thompson,  and  the  cause,  on  the  very  different  tone  which 
Mr.  Thompson  had  now  assumed.  Mr.  Thompson  did 
not  now,  as  he  did  at  Manchester,  tell  them  that  the  Wes| 
8* 


90  MR.  BORTHWICK'S 

Indian  merchants  were  inhuman  or  wholesale  butchers, — 
that  those  who  came  forward  in  defence  of  the  West  In 
dian  body  were  fools  uttering  what  they  knew  to  be  false 
hoods, — and  he  congratulated  Mr.  Thompson  on  this  de 
sirable  consumation.     Mr.  Thompson  had  enumerated  no 
fewer  than  twenty-six  evils  as  arising  from  the  system  of 
slavery — many  of  those  twenty  six-evils  he  had  barely  as 
serted  without  advancing  any  thing  in  the  shape  of  proof, 
and,  therefore,  it  was  not  without  reason,  he  observed,  that 
the  gentleman  who  followed  him  would  be  obliged  to  have 
recourse  to  a  sort   of  rail-road  travelling,  which,  however 
new  it    might  be    in  logic,   would  be  absolutely  necessary 
to  follow  Mr.  Thompson  in  the  course  which  he  had  adopt 
ed.     He  agreed  with  Mr.  Thompson  that  it  was  a  matter 
of  perfect  indifference  to  the  question   at  issue,  who  were 
the  parties  to  whom  the  guilt  of  first   setting  on    foot  the 
slave  trade    was    attributed — but  he  was  prepared  to  show 
that  the  planters  were  not  the  persons   to   whom   the  guilt 
was  chargeable.     The  first,  evil,  which,  according  to  Mr. 
Thompson,  was  to  be  found  on  the  threshold   of  slavery, 
was  that  it  cursed  with  sterility  the  land  where  it  existed  ; 
but  did  not  the  same  sterility  prevail  wherever  there  was 
excessive  cultivation  of  the  land, — even  where  there  were 
no  slaves, — and  if  it  did,  how  could  sterility,  arising  from 
such  a  cause,  be  deemed  one  of  the   special  and    peculiar 
characteristics  of  slavery  ]     (Applause.)     He  recommend 
ed  the  gentlemen  to  include  this  head  in  a  lecture  on  the 
evils  of  excessive  agriculture, — not  in  one  on  the  evils  of 
slavery.     (Laughter  and  applause.)     The  second  evil  was, 
that  slavery  gave  rise  to  the  slave  trade  ; — that  was  a  most 
extraordinary  mode  of  putting  the  cart  before  the  horse  in 
deed.     For  twenty-five  years    no  slave  had  been  brought 
into  the  colonies,  and  how   could    it    be  said  that  slavery 
necessarily  produced  and  fostered  the  slave  trade  1     (Ap 
plause.)     The  third  evil   alleged  was,  that  slavery  doom 
ed  the  infant    to  the  same  condition   as   its  father, — that 
was,  it  made  the  child  a  slave  because  its  father  and  moth 
er  were  slaves  too.     But   was  there  any  thing  peculiar  to 
slavery  in  that  ?     Did  it  not   universally   happen  that   the 
child  was  born  to  the  condition  of  its  father?     (Much  his 
sing  and  applause.)     [The  Chairman  earnestly, desired  a 
patient    and   uninterrupted    hearing   for  the  speaker.]     It 


LECTURE.  91 

was  true  that  children  endowed  by  heaven  with  greater 
talents,  frequently  raised  themselves  to  a  height  which 
their  fathers  never  knew  ;  he  might  mention  an  Eldori  and 
a  Brougham,  and  many  others  in  illustration, — and  he 
was  prepared  to  prove  that  this  might  be  the  case,  and  had 
been  the  case  even  in  a  slave  country.  (Hear,  hear.)  In 
the  colonies,  the  infant  negro  was  born  to  the  condition  of 
a  slave,  just  as  the  infant  of  a  peasant,  a  king,  or  a  lord, 
was  born  to  the  condition  of  a  peasant,  a  king,  t)r  a  lord, 
in  other  countries  ;  but  being  born  in  any  of  those  con 
ditions,  he  was  not  necessarily  confined  to  one.  The  gen 
tleman  had  drawn  a  comparison  between  the  present  con 
dition  of  the  slaves  he  sought  to  emancipate,  and  the  con 
dition  of  the  Jews  under  their  Egyptian  bondage,  alleging 
that  the  same  selfish  motive  which  influenced  Pharaoh  in 
duced  the  West  Indian  colonists  to  retain  their  slaves  in 
bondage.  There  was  no  possible  analogy  between  the  cases. 
The  Jews  had  gone  into  Egypt  at  the  special  invitation  of 
the  government,  and  resided  there  under  its  special  pro 
tection  :  and  did  Pharaoh  keep  them  there  because  he 
wanted  more  bricks?  No;  but  because  he  was  afraid 
that  the  Jews  would  become  a  mighty  people,  stronger 
than  himself.  Pharaoh  resisted  an  express  command  of 
the  Almighty  to  let  them  depart  to  worship  God  in  the 
wilderness,  and  therefore  he  and  his  people  perished  in 
the  Red  Sea.  Were  the  slaves  in  the  West  Indian  colo 
nies  over-worked  as  the  Jews  were  over  wrought  by  Pha 
raoh,  or  treated  in  the  same  unjust  manner  as  the  Jews? 
He  should  show,  before  he  concluded,  that  they  were  not, 
and,  therefore,  he  contended  that  there  was  no  resem 
blance  between  them  and  the  Jews.  For  twenty-five 
years,  the  religious,  moral,  and  physical  improvement  of 
the  negroes  had  been  proceeding,  and  that  by  the  exclu 
sive  agency  of  the  planters  themselves  ;  he  would  under 
take  to  show  that  the  slaves  were  gradually  approaching 
to  the  condition  of  freemen,  and  that,  by  and  by,  if  the 
good  cause  were  not  impeded  by  some  such  cumbrous  help 
as  that  tendered  by  the  Anti-Slavery  Society, — (laughter, 
disapprobation  and  applause,) — if  it  were  not  so  impeded, 
the  good  work  which  every  religious  and  humane  man 
wished  to  see, — freedom  for  the  slave,  with  security  to 
the  master, — would  soon  be  accomplished.  (Applause.) 


92  MR.  BORTll\VlCK5z§ 

What  was  the  meaning  of  the  passages  of  Scripture  which 
had  been  quoted?  What  did  St.  Paul  mean  when  he  told 
those  who  had  been  newly  converted  to  Christianity,  to 
remember  those  who  were  in  bondage  as  if  they  were  bound 
with  them  ?  Simply  that  being  one  in  hope  and  faith  with 
those  who  were  suffering  all  imaginary  cruelties, —  liable 
to  be  torn  to  pieces  by  wild  beasts,  they  ought  to  feel  and 
do  for  those  fellow  Christians,  what  they  would  expect  to 
be  done  for  themselves  under  the  like  circumstances. 
That  was  the  simple  and  literal  meaning  of  the  passage, 
however  it  might  suit  Mr.  Thompson  to  use  it,  ad  captan- 
dum,  on  the  other  side  of  question.  (Hear,  hear.)  But 
again,  remember  those  that  are  in  bonds  as  if  you  were 
bound  with  them  :  were  the  slaves,  in  any  sense,  in  bonds? 
The  people  of  England  were  told  that  the  negroes  were 
absolutely  worked  in  chains,  but  that  was  only  the  case 
with  convicts,  and  the  same  thing  might  be  seen  in  En 
gland,  with  the  difference,  however,  that  the  chains  of  the 
negro  convict  were  not  half  so  heavy  as  those  worn  by 
free  Englishmen.  (Applause.)  The  fourth  evil  of  West 
Indian  slavery  was  said  to  be  that  it  oppressed  the  body 
with  more  labor  than  any  other  system  without  affording 
the  ordinary  motives  to  labor ;  he  contended  that  even 
according  to  Mr.  Thompson's  showing,  the  slave  had 
double  motives  to  labor,  for  he  also  had  a  wife  and  child, 
and  it  was  but  natural  that  he  should  exert  himself  early 
and  late  to  accumulate  wealth,  in  order  that  he  might 
purchase  their  freedom.  The  fourth  evil,  therefore,  seem 
ed  almost  to  be  a  positive  good.  Were  there  no  instances 
in  which  masters  had  given  freedom  to  slaves  in  requital 
for  their  zealous  and  faithful  services?  Mr.  Borthwick 
then  related  an  anecdote  told  him  by  a  gentleman  who  had 
resided  twelve  years  in  Jamaica, — to  the  effect  that  a  negro 
came  to  him  with  the  plan  of  an  estate  of  forty  or  fifty 
acres,  which  the  negro  was  about  to  purchase,  in  order 
that  he  might  place  his  wife  and  child  upon  it,  he  himself 
determining,  however,  to  remain  a  slave,  because  as  he 
alleged,  he  was  better  provided  for  as  a  slave  than  he 
would  be  if  he  was  free.  (Loud  laughter  and  applause.) 
The  fifth  and  sixth  evils  attributed  to  slavery  all  imagi 
nary  sufferings — poverty,  nakedness,  imprisonment,  and 
he  knew  not  what  all ;  no  proof  had  yet  been  attempted  ; 


LECTURE.  93 

but  if  it  were  proved,  he  was  prepared  to  show  that  the 
same,  if  riot  a  greater  degree  of  distress  and  imprison 
ment,  existed  in  every  county  of  free  and  happy  England. 
(Applause.)  But  when  he  has  proved  this,  would  the 
proof  be  any  argument  for  a  sudden  change  in  the  whole 
frame  work  of  English  society,  in  the  face  of  that  maxim 
of  the  soundest  political  writers,  that  it  was  better  to  en 
dure  even  an  evil  than  to  exchange  it  suddenly  for  good  ? 
(Hisses  and  applause.)  The  maxim  was  none  of  his  ;  it 
was  that  of  Paley,  and  of  all  the  soundest  political  writers. 
What  would  be  the  consequences  of  immediate  emancipa 
tion  to  the  slaves  themselves?  Two  thirds  of  them  were 
individuals  not  able  to  work,  either  on  account  of  sickness, 
infancy,  or  old  age;  their  owners  were  now  compelled  by 
law  to  provide  for  them,  and  it  would  be  a  strange  mode  of 
improving  their  condition  to  turn  them  out  with  no  such 
dependance.  (Applause.)  In  England  there  were  poor 
laws  and  workhouses,  yet  the  poor  often  perished  for  want 
in  the  streets;  but  did  any  one  ever  hear  of  such  an  oc 
currence  amongst  the  slaves  in  the  West  Indies  ?  (Cries 
of  '  Never,  never,'  and  much  applause.)  The  seventh 
evil  was,  that  human  beings  might  be  mortgaged  to  money- 

Icnclcra,    mcan'iii",   Ijc   ou  jjpu.-?c,d ,    that  ccpaiation    of    Families 

of  which  they  were  told  so  much.  He  admitted  that  it 
was  an  evil,  the  only  one  out  of  the  seven  that  had  been 
enumerated,  that  families  might  be  seized  by  law,  separ 
ated,  and  sold  to  pay  the  debts  of  their  master.  (Hear, 
hear.)  This  did  occasion  great  pain  in  the  negro  families, 
but  he  had  shown  that  in  the  other  six  instances  the  negro 
had  the  advantage  over  the  peasant  in  this  country,  nnd 
that  was  sufficient  to  counterbalance  the  evils  in  their 
comparative  conditions.  (Much  disapprobation  and  ap 
plause.)  The  peasant  incurred  many  more  chances  of 
imprisonment,  than  the  negro  of  changing  masters  without 
his  own  choice,  a  circumstance  which  hardly  ever  hap 
pened,  though  he  admitted  it  was  possible.  (A  person  in 
the  pit  here  exclaimed,  with  great  unction  and  emphasis, 
'  Beelzebub.')  The  eighth  evil  was  the  alleged  decrease 
of  the  slave  population.  Now,  what  were  the  facts?  Be 
it  remembered  that  the  colonies  were  peopled  from  Africa, 
by  avaricious  men,  according  to  Mr.  Thompson,  and  the 
more  avaricious  they  were,  the  worse  for  Mr.  Thompson's 


94  MR.  BORTHWICK'S 

argument ;  for  they  would  naturally  buy  males  rather  than 
females,  and  the  natural  consequence  of  the  inequality  of 
the  sexes  thus  produced,  must  be  a  sudden  decrease  of  the 
population,  until  the  sexes  become  equal,  society  would  not 
become  progressive,  as  it  was  in  all  the  world  beside.  It 
was  also  said  that  the  free  population  increased  at  the  same 
time  ;  and  how  could  it  be  otherwise,  when  constant 
manumisions  were  taking  place,  and  the  negroes  taken 
from  the  slaves  were  added  to  those  who  were  free,  and 
counted  twice  over  by  the  Anti-Slavery  Society,  for  the 
sake  of  producing  an  effect  ?  From  the  Jamaica  Almanac 
it  appeared  that  the  decrease  amongst  the  slaves  was  just 
7J  per  cent  per  annum;  he  thought  he  had  sufficiently 
accounted  for  it ;.  he  maintained  that  the  slaves  were  not 
under-fed,  or  over-worked,  and  he  appealed  to  any  medi 
cal  gentleman  who  had  resided  in  the  West  Indies,  to  say 
whether  they  were  or  not.  (Cries  of  '  They  cannot  say 
so,'  '  They  cannot  doit.')  The  ninth  evil  was  an  alleged 
inequality  of  law  and  right ;  by  the  Consolidated  Slave 
Act,  passed  in  March  1831,  and  allowed  by  the  the  British 
government,  the  master  was  subject  to  a  fine  of  twenty 
pounds  for  not  complying  with  its  conditions;  and  if  that 

not  woo  not  pneoed    for   the   protection  of    tho     olavo   agamet 

the  master,  he  left  Mr.  Thompson  to  solve  the  purpose  for 
which  it  was  intended.  Mr.  Borthwick,  after  reading  from 
Mr.  Hibbard's  pamphlet  a  description  of  the  negroes'  huts, 
remarked  that  he  (Mr.  Borthwick)  had  called  the  middle 
apartment  a  saloon,  and  that  Mr.  Thompson  had  laughed 
at  him  for  it.  By  a  saloon,  he  meant  the  large  airy  apart 
ment  for  the  purpose  of  lounging  in, — call  it  by  what  name 
they  would, — and  he  would  leave  it  to  Mr.  Knibb  himself 
to  say,  whether  that  was  not  an  accurate  definition  of  the 
apartment  which  was  always  found  in  the  middle  of  a  slave 
hut.  Mr.  Hibbard  had  understated  the  comforts  of  the 
negro  hut  : — if  he  (Mr.  B.)  were  disposed  to  draw  a  picture 
for  Mr.  Thompson's  entertainment,  he  could  speak  of 
mahogany  tables  and  sideboards,  fruits  and  wines,  and 
treats  prepared  for  the  Baptist  leaders,  who  were  so  active 
in  the  late  rebellion.  (Here  there  was  a  tremendous  burst 
of  disapprobation,  followed  by  applause  and  clapping  of 
hands,  which  continued  for  some  time.) 

The  CHAIRMAN  earnestly  exhorted  the  meeting  to  list- 


LECTURE.  95 

en  to  Mr.  Borthwick  with  the  same  patience  and  attention 
that  Mr.  Thompson  had  met  with  the  preceding  night, 
and  reminded  them  that  the  statements  made  by  the 
speaker  would  be  answered  at  the  proper  time. 

Mr.  BORTHWICK,  in  continuation,  said  that  he  was  not 
there  to  advance  gratuitous  accusations  against  any  indi 
viduals,  or  any  sect  whatever :  he  had  been  repeatedly 
challenged  to  say  and  read  all  he  knew  on  the  subject,  and 
at  the  proper  stage  of  the  proceedings  he  would  do  so. 
(Applause.)  He  hoped  that  Mr.  Thompson  when  next  he 
spoke  upon  the  subject,  would  give  them  his  description  of 
the  negro  hut — that  he  would  abandon  empty  declamation, 
and  come  to  facts, — that  he  would  no  longer  gallop  round 
and  round  the  lists  and  strike  the  shield  with  a  blunted 
spear, — but  enter  at  once  into  close  combat, — leaving  de 
clamation  for  real  argument  and  description.  (Applause.) 
He  had  once  honorably  challenged  Mr.  Thompson  to  ap 
pear  before  an  audience  half-hour  and  half-hour  in  time,  to 
discuss  this  question  fairly,  and  have  the  point  settled  by 
the  judgment  of  the  audience, — the  expense  to  be  defray 
ed  by  the  West  Indian  body, — and  that  challenge  be  it 
remembered,  Mr.  Thompson  declined. 

Mr.  THOMPSON, — from  the  boxes.  '  No,  no  !' — The  in 
terruption  was  followed  by  cries  of  '  Shame,  shame/ — 
'  Chair,  chair,' — and  a  storm  of  mingled  hissing  and  ap 
plause. 

The  CHAIRMAN  again  earnestly  requested  that  Mr. 
Borthwick  might  have  a  patient  hearing  without  interrup 
tion  from  Mr.  Thompson  or  any  other  gentleman. 

Mr.  BORTHWICK,  in  continuation,  Mr.  Thompson  said 
that  he  did  not  decline  the  challenge  ;  he  (Mr.  B.)  had 
been  told  by  what  he  thought  official  authority,  that  he  did 
decline  it. — ('Oh,  oh!'  hisses  and  confusion.)  If  Mr. 
Thompson  did  not  decline  the  challenge,  then  the  arrange 
ment  might  still  be  made,  and  the  argument  might  still  be 
heard  at  Manchester.  ('  Hear,'  from  Mr.  Thompson.) 
He  (Mr.  B.)  had  been  accused  of  wishing  to  excite  cla 
mor  and  uproar  wherever  he  went;  he  denied  it,  and 
challenged  contradiction.  He  wished  to  conduct  this  dis 
cussion  in  a  calm  and  Christian  spirit ;  no  man  could  say 
that  he  ever  evinced  any  other,  and  yet  Mr.  Thompson 
himself  was  the  first  to  interrupt  him.  ('Beelzebub!') 


96  MR.  BORTHWICK'S 

He  only  hoped  that  Mr.  Thompson    would   not  forget  his 
present  challenge,  and   would  not  attempt  to  slip  out  of  it, 
as  he  had  once   already  done,  by  saying  that  the  last  im 
pression  on  his  mind  was  that  something  else  was  meant. 
The  tenth   evil  of  slavery,  according  to  Mr.  Thompson, 
was,  that  there  was  no  equal   administration   of  justice  in 
the  colonies.     Mr.  Thompson  had    advanced    no  proof  of 
this;  when  he  did  it  should  be  answered.     In  the   mean 
time  it  was  mere  assertion,  and  he  would  meet  it  with  the 
assertion,  that  the  laws  of  England  were  not  administered 
in    all  cases  according  to   their  spirit.     How  many  cases 
were  there  in  which  there  could  be  no  doubt  of  the  prison 
er's  guilt  on  the  minds  of  those  who  heard  the  evidence,  and 
yet  there  was  not  sufficient  legal  evidence  to  convict  him? 
The  assertion  that  this   was   an  evil    peculiar  to  slavery, 
therefore,  went  for    nothing — ('  Interested   persons  ought 
not  to    be  on  the  jury.')     '  I  thank  the    Jew  for  teaching 
me  that  word.'     (Laughter  and  applause.)     It  was  almost 
impossible  that  in  many  instances  the  Jury   should  not  be 
prejudiced  by  their  position  ;  and  that  which  occurred  in 
the  colonies  might  occur  in  England  also.     The  tenth  evil 
might  well  have  been  included  in  the  ninth  ;  this  also  was 
a  mere  assertion,  and  it  was  hard  to  prove  a  negative.    Mr. 
Thompson  had  produced  twenty-six  heads,  merely  announc 
ing  some  of  them  :   and  the  next  time   he  proposed  a  text, 
he  hoped  that   Mr.    Thompson  would  give  him  something 
more  than  the  naked  skeleton  of  an   argument,    and  then 
require  it  to  be  disproved.     The  twelfth  evil  was  an  alleg 
ed  distinction  in  caste  or  color  ;  he  was  at  a  loss  to  know 
the  meaning  of  this  since  colored  men  were  HOW  admit 
ted    as  members  of  the  House  of  Assembly,  and  were  re 
ceived  in  society  on  the  same  terms  as  the    whites.     The 
thirteenth    evil   quoted  by  Mr.  Thompson  was   ignorance. 
He  called  on    Mr.  Thompson    to    show  how  that  was  the 
consequence  of  slavery.     Were  not  the  planters  doing  all 
in   their  power  to  instruct    the  negroes?     He  would  now 
prove,  from  the  mouths  of  the  missionaries  themselves,  that 
so  far  from  suffering  persecution,    every  aid  was  afforded 
them  for  the  instruction  of  the  negroes.      Mr.  Borthwick 
then  read  from  .the  appendix  to    '  Barclay's   View  of  the 
State  of  Slavery  in    the    West  Indies,'  a   series  of  resolu 
tions  adopted  at  a  meeting  of  Wesleyan  Methodist  mission- 


LECTUKE.  97 

aries  held  at  Kingston  on  the  6th  September,  1824. 
These  resolutions  were  drawn  up  and  adopted  in  conse 
quence  of  certain  misrepresentations  having  been  circulat 
ed,  respecting  their  conduct  and  motives.  After  recapit 
ulating  these  alleged  misrepresentations,  the  missionaries 
proceed  to  declare  their  belief  that  Christianity  does  not 
interfere  with  the  civil  condition  of  the  slaves,  as  regulated 
by  the  laws  of  the  British  West  Indies;  that  the  doctrines 
taught  by  them  did  not  tend  to  excite  rebellion  among  the 
slaves  ;  and  that  the  members  of  the  Methodist  church,  so 
far  from  being  guilty  of  rebellion,  had  defended  the  plant 
ers  in  the  time  of  danger.  [Mr.  Borthwick  here  observed 
that  every  person  in  Jamaica  acquits  the  Wesleyans  and 
Moravians  of  using  any  direct  or  indirect  influence  in  ex 
citing  the  late  rebellion.]  The  resolutions  went  on  to 
state  that  if  the  designs  of  the  emancipationists  were  car 
ried  into  immediate  effect,  they  would  prove  injurious  and 
ruinous  to  the  colonies  as  well  as  the  slaves  themselves, 
and  occasion  the  effusion  of  human  blood  ;  that  they  had 
no  connection  with  the  African  institution,  nor  could  they, 
by  their  rules,  correspond  with  any  institution  on  questions 
relating  to  Colonial  Slavery  ;  that  their  labors  had  tended 
to  produce  quietness  in  the  island,  wherever  their  ministry 
had  been  permitted;  that  if  the  views  of  the  abolitionists 
were  carried  into  effect,  they  believed,  their  own  lives  and 
the  property  under  their  care  would  be  in  danger  ;  that 
they  had  received  or  extorted  no  money  from  the  slaves, 
but  that  their  salaries  were  provided  out  of  the  allowance 
granted  by  their  society,  and  the  sums  contributed  by  the 
proprietors  of  the  slaves,  and  from  other  sources  ;  and,  fi 
nally,  that  they  acknowledge  their  thanks  to  be  due  to  the 
magistrates  and  gentlemen  of  the  island,  for  their  good 
will  towards  the  spread  of  morality  among  the  lower  class 
es.  These  resolutions  were  signed  by  John  Stevenson, 
Secretary  of  the  meeting,  and  by  George  Morley,  Richard 
Watson,  and  John  Mason.  Mr.  Borthwick  contended 
that  these  resolutions  clearly  proved  that  the  missionaries 
received  no  obstruction  from  the  planters  in  the  education 
and  instruction  of  the  slave  population  ;  but  that,  on  the 
contrary,  they  provided  them  with  money,  lodging,  and 
opportunities  of  addressing  the  slaves  in  every  possible 
way.  The  fourteenth  evil  adduced  by  Mr.  Thompson  was 
9 


08  MR.  BORTHWICK'S 

the  loss  of  self-respect  sustained  by  the  slave.  In  many 
instances  where  the  cat-o-nine-tails  was  employed  for  the 
punishment  of  the  negroes,  they  spoke  with  the  utmost 
contempt  of  the  buckra  or  English  soldiers  and  sailors,  as 
if  they  felt  it  a  degradation  to  be  put  on  the  same  level  with 
them.  (Laughter  and  hisses.)  He  appealed  to  the  West 
Indian  gentlemen  present  if  this  was  not  true  ;  and,  if  true, 
it  was  a  complete  answer  to  Mr.  Thompson's  argument. 
The  fifteenth  evil  was  the  pride  and  arrogance  of  the  mas 
ters.  How  should  it  produce  pride  and  arrogance  in  a 
master  to  know  that  he  possessed  slaves  for  whom  he  was 
bound  to  provide,  and  to  regard  as  his  own  children  ? 
Every  medical  man  who  had  been  in  the  West  Indies 
knew  that  medicines  and  wines,  from  the  simplest  to  the 
most  expensive,  were  at  the  service  of  the  negroes  when 
required.  How  should  this  engender  pride,  &c.  ?  The 
sixteenth  evil  stated  by  Mr.  Thompson  was  called  by  him 
'promiscuous  intercourse/  which  he  (Mr.  Borthwick) 
supposed  was  intended  to  refer  to  the  illicit  connexion  of 
the  sexes.  He  would  leave  Mr.  Thompson  to  prove  some 
thing  on  the  subject.  As  yet,  he  had  merely  stated  the 
evil.  With  respect  to  the  morality  of  the  negroes,  how 
ever,  he  would  read  an  extract  from  the  Morning  Journal 
of  the  5th  November,  1828.  Mr.  Borthwick  then  read  an 
article  furnished  by  an  an  anonymous  correspondent  of  that 
notorious  print,  in  which  twenty-four  ladies  of  Clapham, 
who  had  formed  themselves  into  an  Anti-Slavery  Socie 
ty,  were  held  up  to  ridicule,  and  which  then  went  on  to 
detail  the  amours  of  an  old  negro  of  fifty  years  of  age,  who, 
after  being  torn  from  his  wife  and  children  on  the  coast  of 
Guinea,  joined  himself  to  a  negro  woman  in  the  West  In 
dies,  by  whom  he  had  two  children,  and  on  being  separ 
ated  from  her  engaged  with  a  third  wife.  Here  was  a 
Turk  for  them!  bigamy  and  trigamy  with  a  vengeance! 
From  this  anecdote,  which  excited  great  merriment  among 
one  portion  of  the  meeting,  and  called  forth  expressions  of 
disgust  from  ti*e  rest,  Mr.  Borthwick  drew  the  inference 
that  immorality  did  exist  among  the  slaves  ;  but  how  it 
was  a  concomitant  of  slavery  did  not  appear. 

The  eighteenth  evil,  which  was  that  of  persecution,  rela 
ted  to  the  late  insurrection   in   Jamaica,  and   to   that  he 
have  occassion   to  refer  by  and  by.     The   twenti- 


LECTURE 


99 


eth  was  the  desecration  of  the  Sabbath.  To  this  Mr. 
Borthwick  replied,  that  in  the  West  Indies  the  Sabbath 
was  given  to  the  slave.  The  law  prevented  any  mill  being 
turned  from  Saturday  night  till  Monday  morning.  Here, 
therefore,  a  provision  was  made  in  behalf  of  the  slave, 
which  did  not  exist  for  the  benefit  of  free  labor.  The 
twenty-first  evil  was  the  existence  of  enmity  between  Eng 
land  and  the  colonies.  It  was  paying  England  a  poor 
compliment  to  say  that  it  was  at  enmity  with  the  colonies. 
Mr.  Thompson  should  have  first  proved  that  slavery  was 
contrary  to  English  feeling  and  humanity  ;  he  had  not  done 
so,  and  he  (Mr.  Borthwick)  therefore  put  the  argument 
aside  as  a  mere  begging  of  the  question.  The  twenty- 
second  evil  was  called  *  In  security  no  validity.'  No  ex 
planation  of  this  evil  had  been  given,  and  in  itself  it  was 
not  intelligible.  The  twenty-third  was  the  impolicy,  and 
the  twenty  fourth  the  expensiveness  of  slavery.  Evils  now 
came  so  thick  upon  Mr.  Thompson  that  it  was  impossible 
for  him  to  do  more  than  name  them,  and  they  therefore 
did  not  call  for  any  reply. 

Having  disposed  of  Mr.  Thompson's  argument  seria 
tim,  he  would  now  give  them  as  a  whole  a  more  substan 
tial  and  satisfactory  reply,  by  showing  what  was  the  real 
state  of  the  question,  and  by  striking  at  its  root.  The 
question  was  one  which  affected  not  only  our  commercial 
interests,  but  our  character  as  a  nation.  He  would  divide 
the  subject  into  two  parts ;  the  first  religious,  the  second 
political.  He  put  the  religious  part  of  the  question  first, 
because,  it  could  be  shown  that  immediate  abolition  was 
required  by  religious  duty,  then  all  political  considera 
tions  must  be  set  aside,  and  he  was  prepared  to  give  up 
the  whole  question  at  once.  The  question  was  not  wheth 
er  slavery  in  the  abstract  was  bad,  but  whether  we  are 
bound  by  our  standing,  as  a  nation,  to  emancipate  the  slaves 
in  the  West  Indies  immediately.  The  proposition  which  he 
meant  to  assert,  was,  that  it  was  not  only  consistent  with 
religion  that  we  should  continue  to  hold  the  slaves  for  a 
considerable  period  longer,  but  that  it  would  be  contrary 
to  humanity  and  religion,  and  to  the  example  of  Almighty 
God  himself  (great  disapprobation)  to  emancipate  them 
sooner.  The  first  point  he  had  to  prove  was,  that  slavery  in 
the  abstract  was  not  sinful.  For  proof  of  this  he  would 


100  MR.  BORTHWICKrS 

quote  a  passage  from  the  Old  Testament,  which  he  must 
distinctly  state  he  applied  not  to  the  Christian  system,  but 
to  the  Jewish  dispensation.  Mr.  Borthwick  then  read  a 
passage  of  some  length  from  the  25  chapter  of  Leviticus, 
commencing  with  the  39th  verse  ;  but  as  our  readers  pos 
sess  the  means  of  reference  to  the  passage  itself,  it  is  un 
necessary  here  to  transcribe  it.  Here,  said  Mr.  Borth 
wick,  we  had  a  law  which  governed  the  slavery  of  the 
Jews.  The  Israelites  who  fell  into  slavery,  were  to  be 
restored  every  fiftieth  year,  but  others  from  amongst  the  hea 
then  were  to  be  their  slaves  for  ever.  If  slavery  in  the 
abstract  was  sinful,  then  Almighty  God  could  never  have 
given  it  his  express  sanction  and  command.  God  had 
winked  at  times  at  ignorance,  (he  used  language  of  the  New 
Teslament)but  never  could  an  instance  be  brought  in  which 
God  had  given  a  command  to  commit  express  sin.  If  so* 
then  had  he  proved  that  slavery  in  the  abstract  was  not 

sinful. 

The  next  question  was  whether  the  West  India  colonies 
were  in  such  a  state  as  to  authorise  us,  as  Christians,  for 
some  time  to  come  to  continue  slavery.  He  declared  him 
self,  as  a  Christian  and  a  Briton,  a  friend  to  abolition.  He, 
as  well  as  every  West  Indian  of  whom  he  knew  any  thing, 
were  desirous  of  the  coming  of  the  time  when  it  would  be 
a  mercy  to  the  slaves  and  to  their  masters  that  the  former 
should  be  free.  Justice  must  rise  up  from  the  earth,  ere 
it  could  meet  the  mercy  that  came  down  from  heaven. 
This  was  the  true  spirit  of  Christianity,  and  he  would  now 
show  that  it  afforded  an  argument  in  favor  of  his  position. 
It  was  admitted  on  all  hands,  that  Christianity  points  to  a 
better  state  of  things  than  the  slavery  which  existed  in  the 
West  Indies,  or  the  starvation  which  prevailed  in  Eng 
land.  How  long  did  God  think  it  fit  that  men  should  con 
tinue  in  a  state  of  preparation  before  the  Christian  system 
was  fully  revealed  to  them  ?  4,000  years ;  and  this  at  a 
time  when  ignorant  fallible  men  were  not  their  instructors, 
but  God  himself,  and  the  prophets  whom  he  inspired.  Did 
this  afford  an  argument  for  immediate  abolition  ?  But  that 
was  not  under  the  New  Testament  system.  To  that  he 
would  now  come.  In  what  state  was  the  earth  at  the  time 
of  Christ's  coming  with  respect  to  slavery  ?  Was  West 
Indian  slavery  to  be  compared  with  the  predial  slavery 


101 

which  existed  in  Greece  an^I;  Rome .?,  N6,:  certainly,  All 
who  were  acquainted  with*  the  .history  of  that  period  knew 
that  it  was  much  worse  than  the  system  of  the  West  Indi 
an  slavery.  Mr.  B.  here  referred  to  a  pamphlet,  entitled 
'  British  Colonial  Slavery  compared  with  that  of  Antiqui 
ty,'  published  by  Ridgway,  in  1830.  What  were  the  pre 
cepts  which  Christ  and  his  apostles  gave  to  the  slaves  and 
their  masters  ?  although  Mr.  Thompson  had  attempted  to 
prove,  that  the  Greek  word  translated  servant  did  not  mean 
slave.  They  enjoined  the  slave  to  be  obedient  to  their 
masters,  and  masters  to  be  kind  to  their  slaves,  because 
they  also  had  a  master  in  heaven.  Did  this  warrant  the 
language  which  had  been  used  towards  the  slave  proprie 
tors  of  the  present  day,  who  had  been  represented  as  ne 
cessarily  devoid  of  the  feelings  of  humanity,  as  butchers, 
and  greedy,  and  bad-hearted  men?  But  it  was  said  that 
the  agents  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Society,  although  they  told 
the  slave  that  the  master  had  no  right  to  hold  him  in  sub 
jection,  nevertheless  advised  the  latter  to  be  quiet.  Was  this 
following  the  example  of  Christ,  who  directed  slaves  to  be 
obedient  to  those  whom  it  was  their  duty  and  their  happi 
ness  to  serve  as  masters?  He  would  ask  Mr.  Thompson 
to  show  him  a  single  passage,  or  the  shadow  of  a  passage's 
ghost,  (a  laugh)  in  the  whole  Bible  which  would  favor  the 
sudden  change  his  party  pleaded  for.  Such  they  could 
not  adduce,  and  therefore  the  only  argument  which  they 
brought  forward  was  drawn  from  the  general  principle, 
'  What  ye  would  that  men  should  do  unto  you,  do  ye  so  to 
them.'  This  was  the  only  argument  that  was  used,  and 
the  lecturer  applied  it  by  saying,  '  Would  you  wish  to  be  a 
slave  ?  If  not,  then  emancipate  the  slaves.'  Now  there 
was  a  wide  discrepancy  between  the  cases.  Would  you, 
with  your  present  liberty,  your  intelligence,  your  connec 
tions,  and  your  possessions  wish  to  be  a  slave  ?  No.  But 
if  he  were  to  say  to  the  slave,  would  you  wish  to  be  the 
king  of  England,  or  a  lecturer  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Society, 
or  any  other  thing  for  which  he  was  utterly  unqualified, 
why  then  the  slave  would  say  no,  I  would  rather  be  as  I 
am.  (Disapprobation.)  Each  was  fitted  for  his  own  sta 
tion.  He  believed  that  the  individuals  now  present  would 
cut  as  poor  a  figure  in  attempting  to  discharge  the  duties 
of  the  slaves  as  they  would  do  in  attempting  to  discharge, 
9* 


,,  - 

102  MR.  •BOIITHWICK'S 

our,*:,  :(A,:Jaugb.)  .If,:  (sukl  Mr.,-Borthwick,  addressing 
the  meeting,.)  yae  were  slaves,  .wwild  you  wish  to  be  free 
to-morrow?  (Cries  of  *  Yes,  yes,'  and  a  great  uproar.) 
Before  any  one  could  take  it  upon  him  to  answer  that 
question  he  must  first  know  the  condition  of  the  slave.  It 
was  this.  He  is  provided  for  in  sickness  and  in  old  age. 
If  you  make  him  free  you  deprive  him  of  these  advanta 
ges.  Instances  could  be  quoted  in  which  slaves  being 
made  free,  had  requested  to  be  taken  back  into  a  state  of 
slavery.  (Disapprobation.)  Who  hisses'?  exclaimed  Mr. 
Borthwick,  I  am  only  stating  a  fact.  (Name,  name.)  He 
would  name  Mr.  Senior,  who  was  for  many  years  an  overseer 
in  Trinidad,  and  was  now  a  resident  of  Liverpool.  He 
could  prove  that  six  negroes  being  made  free,  entreated 
that  they  might  be  taken  back  as  they  had  no  one  to  provide 
for  them  ;  and  one  of  them  pathetically  said,  'If  we  die, 
who  will  make  our  coffin.'  If  it  were  once  proved  that 
the  slaves  wished  to  be  free,  then  it  would  be  right  to 
emancipate  them.  But  it  had  not  yet  been  proved  to  be 
for  the  benefit  of  the  slaves  themselves.  How  did  Chris 
tianity  abolish  slavery  in  England  and  elsewhere  ?  By  the 
gradual,  meek,  and  gentle  progress  which  had  marked  its 
course  ali  over  the  world.  Christianity  does  not  take  the 
heart  by  storm.  She  is  beautiful  and  God-like  in  her 
march.  What  better  evidence  could  they  have  of  the  di 
vinity  of  Christianity  than  the  change  which  had  taken 
place  in  England  from  the  time  of  her  first  introduction. 
He  would  point  to  the  good  effects  which  Christianity  had 
produced  in  the  West  Indies  during  the  last  twenty-five 
years,  since  the  abolition  of  that  foul  traffic  which  the 
planters  had  been  the  first  to  decry — the  slave  trade.  A 
great  change  had  taken  place  in  the  condition  of  the  slaves, 
and  to  what  was  it  to  be  attributed?  To  Christianity,  un 
der  the  fostering,  nursing,  able,  and  willing  protection  of 
the  slave  masters.  Due  discrimination  was  no  doubt  ne 
cessary  as  to  the  persons  who  were  to  teach  the  slaves. — 
Would  it  not  be  absurd  in  a  person  to  attempt'to  lecture 
on  Homer  who  knew  nothing  about  Greek  ?  It  was  ne 
cessary,  therefore,  for  the  planters  to  see  that  the  persons 
who  came  to  teach  Christianity  should  know  something  of 
its  nature  and  history,  and  should,  in  fact,  be  learned 
theological  scholars.  The  only  men  who  were  refused 


LECTURE.  103 

permission  to  teach  the  slaves  and  read  the  confessions  of 
Liriton  and  other  convicted  leaders  in  the  rebellion,  to 
show  that  the  negroes  had  been  misled  by  the  publications 
of  the  Anti-Slavery  Society,  and  particularly  by  the  Bap 
tist  Missionaries,  into  the  belief  that  the  Lord  and  the 
King  had  given  their  freedom,  but  that  it  was  kept  from 
them  by  the  white  gentlemen  in  Jamaica.  The  Baptist 
preachers  had  taught  the  slaves  that  they  could  not  serve 
two  masters.  You  see  from  this,  (said  Mr.  Borthwick) 
that  the  insurrection  had  its  foundation  in  religion  :  (great 
disapprobation)  he  meant  in  a  perversion  of  religion.  The 
rebellious  slaves  indulged  not  only  in  cruelties  to  their 
masters ;  but  the  most  horrid  cruelties  were  perpetrated 
on  English  women,  young,  fair  and  good,  as  the  youngest, 
the  fairest  and  the  best  now  before  him.  These  cruelties 
were  practised,  hear  the  word,  (exclaimed  Mr.  Borthwick,) 
and  hiss  not!  (much  laughter)  by  leaders  in  the  Baptist 
churches.  (Hear,  and  cries  of'  No,  no,'  followed  by  pro 
digious  uproar.)  When  order  was  restored,  Mr.  Borth 
wick  proceeded  to  read  the  examinations  of  the  gentle 
men  on  the  island,  and  to  refer  more  minutely  to  the  con 
fessions  of  the  slaves  in  support  of  his  accusation  against 
the  Baptists.  It  was  alleged  that  the  ringleaders  among 
the  revolted  negroes  took  the  same  rank  in  the  rebel  army 
as  they  held  in  the  Baptist  church.  Mr  Borthwick  de 
nounced  the  missonaries  as  ignorant  or  interested  men. 
(Renewed  uproar.)  The  scenes  of  the  rebellion  proved, 
either  that  the  Baptist  Missionaries  were  incompetent  to 
explain  the  scriptures,  or  that  the  negro  was  incapable  of 
understanding  them,  when  the  simple  declaration  of  our 
Lord  respecting  the  serving  of  two  masters  had  been  so 
grossly  perverted.  In  the  latter  supposition  the  negro  was 
clearly  unfit  for  freedom.  Mr.  Borthwick  then  alluded  to 
the  motives  of  the  missionaries  in  going  to  Jamaica,  and 
denied  that  they  were  entitled  to  the  praise  of  disinterest 
edness.  He  also  quoted  the  confession  of  one  of  the  con 
verted  rebels,  that  if  they  had  all  the  money  they  had 
given  to  Mr.  Burchell,  they  would  have  had  something 
handsome.  It  was  unfair  in  Mr.  Thompson  to  say  that 
the  planters  opposed  all  instruction,  because  they  objected 
to  the  Baptists.  They  did  not  object  to  the  Wesleyans  or 
the  Moravians,  or  to  the  missionaries  from  the  Established 


104  MR,  BORTHWICK'S 

Churches  of  England  and  Scotland.  The  Rev.  George 
Blyth,  a  Scotch  missionary,  who  was  now  in  Edinburgh, 
had  published  a  letter  in  the  Liverpool  Mercury,  in  which 
he  stated  that  he  found  no  obstruction  in  teaching  the  ne 
groes,  and  that  the  proprietor  of  a  mill  had  caused  it  to 
stop  for  half  an  hour,  while  he  addressed  the  slaves.  He 
(Mr.  Borthwick)  put  the  question  to  any  man  who  had 
been  in  the  West  Indies,  whether,  if  he  asked  a  slave,  do 
you  want  your  freedom,  he  would  not  receive  an  answer — 
'  No,  Massa,  me  no  want  any  more.'  Free  labor  was 
cheaper  than  slave  labor,  and  it  was  therefore  the  interest 
of  the  master  to  promote  emancipation  ;  but  as  there  was 
no  poor  laws,  it  was  inconsistent  with  the  views  he  (Mr. 
T.)  had  given  of  humanity  and  religion  to  grant  immedi 
ate  emancipation.  From  the  state  of  starvation,  described 
by  Mr.  Thompson,  they  would  fall  into  complete  destitu 
tion,  and  from  a  state  of  comparative  ignorance  they 
would  relapse  into  total  barbarism.  In  St.  Domingo,  when  it 
was  a  slave  colony,  the  export  of  sugar  had  been  very  con 
siderable,  but  since  free  labor  was  introduced  they  were 
actually  obliged  to  import  sugar  for  their  own  consump 
tion.  The  free  slave  of  St.  Domingo  was  decidedly  infe 
rior  in  mental  attainments  to  the  negro  in  a  state  of  slavery. 
This  proved,  he  trusted,  that  instead  of  conferring  a  moral 
or  religious  boon  on  the  slave  by  giving  him  emancipation, 
they  were  conferring  a  moral  infliction  that  drove  him  back 
to  the  state  of  barbarism  in  which  he  existed  in  his  native 
land.  After  some  further  observations,  Mr.  Borthwick 
said,  that  now  the  question  was  fairly  before  them,  they 
would  perceive  it  was  not  a  question  between  immediate 
emancipation  and  perpetual  bondage,  as  the  planters 
wished  for  the  emancipation  of  the  slave  as  soon  as  it 
could  be  granted  with  safety.  He  had  not  time  to  enter 
on  the  question  of  emancipation.  But  he  might  ask  who 
would  compensate  the  negro  ?  Would  the  Anti-Slavery 
Society  do  so?  When  he  said  that  the  planters  were  the 
best  friends  of  the  slave,  he  referred  in  proof  of  the  fact 
to  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade,  to  the  slave  acts  of  Ja 
maica  and  other  islands,  and  to  the  contributions  of  money 
for  the  instruction  of  the  slave.  The  chief  anti-slavery 
advocates  who  had  been  possessed  of  slaves  did  not 
emancipate  them,  but  sold  them,  and  pocketed  the  hard 


LECTURE.  105 

cash.  (Loud  applause.)  Tell  me  not,  continued  Mr. 
Borthwick,  of  the  Jamaica  cart-whips.  They  are  nothing 
at  all !  Mr.  Thompson  had  said  that  one  of  them  laid 
open  the  flank  of  a  mule.  He  would  give  Mr.  Thomp 
son  a  challenge.  He  would  give  him  liberty  to  lay  open 
the  calf  of  his  (Mr.  Borthwick's)  leg  with  a  Jamaica  cart- 
whip,  on  condition  that  if  he  failed  he  should  pay  out  of 
the  funds  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Society,  to  the  public  chari 
ties  of  the  town,  the  sum  of  c£200.  (Tremendous  cheer 
ing  and  laughter.)  Mr.  Borthwick  concluded  by  thanking 
the  meeting  for  the  attention  with  which  they  had  heard 
him,  and  by  soliciting  the  same  attention  for  his  opponent 
on  the  following  evening. 

Mr.  Borthwick's  address  lasted  three  hours  and  twenty- 
five  minutes, 


(  106  ) 


MR.  THOMPSON'S  REPLY. 

MR.  THOMPSON  made  his  reply  to  Mr.  Borthwick  on 
Thursday  night,  at  the  Amphitheatre,  to  a  most  numerous 
and  respectable  audience. 

SAMUEL  HOPE,  Esq.  was  called  to  the  chair. 

MR.  THOMPSON  commenced  by  observing  that  never  had 
a  speech  been  delivered  so  completely  vulriernable  in  all 
its  parts — a  speech  more  disgraceful  to  the  heart  as  well 
as  to  the  head  of  the  man  who  spoke  it,  than  that  deliver 
ed  by  Mr.  Borthwick,  the  agent  of  the  West  India  body, 
on  the  preceding  evening.  He  meant  nothing  personal 
to  Mr.  Borthwick  in  this  observation  ;  he  merely  alluded 
to  the  speech,  and  that  was  his  property — Mr.  Borthwick 
had  given  it  to  him,  and  he  had  a  right  to  tear  it  limb  from 
limb.  (Applause  and  hisses.)  Mr.  Borthwick  complain 
ed  heavily  of  being  charged  with  having  uttered  what  he 
knew  to  be  a  falsehood,  and  the  meeting  should  see  how 
the  charge  was  made  out.  Mr.  Borthwick  asserted,  in 
Manchester,  that  the  happiest  of  the  happy,  amongst  the 
free  negroes  in  Sierra,  Leone,  was  more  miserable  than 
the  most  miserable  slave  that  breathed  in  the  West  Indies  ; 
and  was  not  such  an  assertion  as  that  a  most  gross  and 
evident  falsehod  on  the  very  face  of  it?  (*  Yes,  yes,' — 
*  No,  no!  ' — Cheers  and  disapprobation.)  He  would  again 
and  again  aver  that  the  statement  was  a  falsehood — since 
it  was  contrary  to  history,  contrary  to  observation,  contra 
ry  to  human  nature,  reason,  and  common  sense.  [Ap 
plause.]  In  speaking  of  the  frightful  decrease  in  the  slave 
population,  he  had  referred  to  Parliamentary  documents  to 
prove  the  truth  of  what  he  advanced,  and  then  Mr.  Borth 
wick  turned  round  upon  him  and  questioned  the  truth  of 
those  documents,  though  Mr.  Borthwick  well  knew  that 
they  were  founded  on  returns  furnished  by  his  friends,  the 
planters,  on  OATH.  What  was  that  but  charging  the  plan 
ters  with  perjury  ?  ['  No,  no,' — '  Yes,  yes.']  Those  docu 
ments  proved  a  decrease  amongst  the  slaves  of  52,000  in 


LECTURE.  107 

ten  years  and  a  half;  but  Mr.  Borthwick  asked  if  manu 
missions  were  not  constantly  going  on,  which  might  ac 
count,  in  some  degree,  for  that  decrease.  [Hear,  hear.] 
But  did  not  Mr.  Borthwick  know  that  the  manumissions 
were  duly  noted  in  the  returns  of  the  planters,  that  de 
ductions  were  made  on  that  account,  and  that  after  such 
deductions  had  been  made,  the  nett  decrease  was  52,000 
in  ten  years  and  a  half?  [Cheers  and  disapprobation.] 
At  Manchester  Mr.  Borthwick  had  told  him  that  he  came 
to  the  meeting  merely  by  accident,  anxious  to  be  convinc 
ed,  though  at  that  very  moment,  he  [Mr.  T.]  had  a  letter  in 
his  pocket  warning  him  of  Mr.  Borthwick's  approach;  and 
though  Mr.  Borthwick  afterward  told  him  that  he  was  paid  to 
follow  him  from  place  to  place,  like  his  evil  genius,  Mr. 
Borthwick's  very  words.  [Cheers,  hisses,  and  cries  of '  Ques 
tion  ! ']  That  was  the  question  ; — it  tended  to  show  the  spirit 
of  candor  and  fairness  exhibited  by  Mr.  Borthwick.  He  also 
begged  to  make  another  remark  ; — last  evening  he  [Mr. 
Thompson]  had  called  out  '  No,'  because  when  a  state 
ment  was  made  against  an  alleged  matter  of  fact,  affect 
ing  the  character  and  veracity  of  an  individual,  before 
3,000  persons,  many  of  whom  might  not  have  an  opportu 
nity  of  hearing  the  contradiction,  it  behoved  that  individ 
ual  at  once  to  contradict  it.  He  had  not  declined  the 
challenge  of  Mr.  Borthwick  ;  he  was  rather  anxious  to 
accept  it — but  he  had  a  more  important  work  on  hand 
than  following  the  motions  of  Mr.  Borthwick. 

'  The  letter  I  alluded  to  I  produced  at  that  meeting,  and 
read  an  extract  containing  the  announcement  of  Mr. 
Borthwick's  approach,  and  the  object  of  his  mission  ;  and 
T  believe  that  Mr.  Borthwick  himself,  so  far  from  contra 
dicting  me,  will  bear  me  out  in  the  declaration  that  I  do 
not  allude  to  a  letter  which  has  no  existence.  It  was  un 
der  these  circumstances  that  I  spoke,  and,  if  I  was  warm 
on  the  subject,  was  it  not  sufficient  to  warm  me  to  be  told, 
when  in  the  prosecution  of  a  good  work,  that  I  should  be 
followed  about  from  place  to  place  as  by  an  "  evil  genius?" 
— a  prophecy  which  has  been  in  part  fulfilled,  after  having 
been  informed  by  Mr.  Borthwick  that  he  came  by  acci 
dent,  merely  to  be  convinced.  Was  it  strange  that  I 
should  be  warm  after  hearing  such  contradictory  assertions, 
and  being  the  subject  of  such  a  threat? 


108  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

Before  passing  from  these  rather  irrelevant  observations, 
allow  me  to  make  one  further  remark  on  the  proceedings 
of  last  night,  with  reference  to  my  own  conduct  on  that 
occasion.  I  called  out  "  No,"  because  there  was  a  state 
ment  regarding  a  matter  of  fact,  personally  affecting  my 
own  character  and  veracity,  made  before  3,000  persons, 
many  hundreds  of  whom,  perhaps,  would  not  have  an  op 
portunity  the  following  evening  of  hearing  a  true  state 
ment  of  the  case,  on  whose  minds,  therefore,  an  impres 
sion  to  my  prejudice  would  have  been  produced,  if  the 
assertion  had  been  passed  by  without  contradiction.  It 
was  said  by  Mr.  Borthwick,  that  he  gave  me  a  challenge 
in  Manchester,  and  that  I  declined  it:  I  never  did  decline 
that  challenge  ;  I  was  rather  anxious  to  accept  it ;  but  know 
ing  the  object  Mr.  Borthwick  had  in  view,  viz.  to  circum 
vent  my  design — to  prevent  my  fulfilling  my  pledge  to  go  here 
and  there,  rousing  the  public  attention  to  this  question, 
[and  I  have  gone  here  and  there,  at  the  sacrifice  of  health, 
and  almost  life,]  was  I  to  remain  at  Manchester,  and  at  a 
particular  time  accept  the  challenge  of  Mr.  Borthwick, 
leaving  the  object  of  my  mission  in  part  unaccomplished  ? 
I  am  at  any  time  ready  to  defend  the  positions  I  occupy, 
and  I  will  defend  them  until  they  are  successfully  des 
troyed  ;  but  I  am  not  bound  to  accept  a  particular  chal 
lenge  from  Mr.  Borthwick.  I  may  say  with  Nehemiah, 
"The  work  is  great  and  large,  and  we  are  separated  upon 
the  wall,  one  far  from  another.  In  what  place,  therefore, 
ye  hear  the  sound  of  the  trumpet,  resort  ye  thither  unto 
us;  our  God  shall  fight  for  us."  I  cannot  be  delayed  by 
matters  of  minor  importance,  when  I  have  proved  to  nine 
ty-nine  out  of  every  hundred  of  my  hearers,  that  colonial 
slavery  is  a  crime  in  the  sight  of  God  :  and,  therefore,  th.it 
the  negro  ought  to  go  free,  and  the  bonds  to  fall  from  the 
limbs  of  the  oppressed.'  [Applause  and  disapprobation.] 

He  now  came  to  Mr.  B's  reply ; — that  gentleman  had 
gone  over  his  list  of  evils,  and  said  there  was  nothing  in 
them  ;  but  he  defied  Mr.  Borthwick,  with  the  West  Indian 
body  at  his  back,  to  drive  him  from  one  of  those  positions. 
Mr.  Thompson  then  recapitulated  the  evils  which  he  had 
attributed  to  the  system  of  colonial  slavery  the  preceding 
evening,  and  contended  that  not  one  of  them  had  been 
touched  by  his  opponent.  He  had  said  that  general  licen- 


REPYL,  109 

tiousness  was  one  of  the  evils  of  slavery,*  Let  him  have  an 
audience  of  males  only,  and  he  would  tear  the  veil  even 
from  the  eyes  of  West  Indian  proprietors  ;  he  would  prove 
it  even  from  the  evidence  furnished  by  planters  themselves., 
or  he  would  consent  to  be  branded  as  a  quack,  .and  to  let 
Mr.  Borthwick  triumph  over  him,  [Applause  and  disappro 
bation.]  Did  not  Mr.  Borthwick  know  that  in  almost  every 
house  in  Jamaica  ail  the  men  from  the  book-keeper  up  to 
the  ma'ster  himself,  had  a  concubine?  Did  he  not  know 
that  the  marriage  of  a  white  man  with  a  female  possessing 
the  slightest  tinge  of  negro  blood,  entailed  upon  him  almost 
entire  expulsion  from  civilized  society?  Mr.  Borthwick,  it 
seemed,  did  not  know  what  was  meant  by  the  instability 
of  slavery,  but  was  he  riot  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the 
history  of  the  world  to  know,  that  no  state  of  society  found 
ed  upon  slavery  could  be  otherwise  than  insecure.  Mr, 
Borthwick  had  not  said  a  word  about  the  cowardice  of  ne 
gro  slavery — the  meanness  of  taking  advantage  of  the  do 
cility  ofthe  negroes  to  enslave  them,  when  no  such  advan 
tage  had  been  taken  of  more  bold  and  rugged  races, 
the  savages  of  New  Zealand,  or  North  America.  Mr. 
Thompson  then  denounced  the  selfish  spirit  of  slavery,  and 
quoted  a  passage  from  Mr.  [now  Lord]  Brougham's  speech 
to  the  electors  of  Yorkshire,  in  which  Mr.  Brougham  elo 
quently  condemned  the  spirit  of  monopoly  which  would 
keep  the  blessing  of  freedom  to  itself,  arid  declared  that  if 
he  were  sent  to  Parliament,  he  never  would  rest  from  his 
labors  till  he  had  uprooted  the  tree,  under  whose  dead 
ly  shade  life  died — death  lived — and  brandished  it  over  the 
heads  of  its  supporters  in  triumph.  [Cheers.]  Mr.  Borth 
wick  had  said  nothing  of  the  guilt  of  slavery.  Mr.  Borth 
wick  denied  that  slavery  necessarily  entailed  the  curse  of 
sterility  on  the  soil  where  it  existed,  and  he  [Mr.  Thomp 
son]  would  now  quote  the  authority  of  a  greater  man  than 
either  himself  or  Mr.  Borthwick  to  show  that  it  did.  Mr. 
Thompson  then  quoted  a  passage  from  the  works  of  J.  Jer 
emy,  Esq.,  late  Chief  Justice  of  St.  Lucia,  showing  that 
the  constant  succession  of  crops  and  excessive  cultivation, 
rendered  necessary  by  the  system  of  slave  labor,  had,  in 
many  instances,  within  his  own  knowledge,  rendered  the 
most  fertile  and  fruitful  lands  a  desert.  Mr.  Borthwick 
denied  that  the  slave  trade  was  a  necessary  consequence  of 
10 


110 

slavery,  but  if  there  vvere  no  slavery  in  the  West  Indies, 
in  the  Spanish  colonies,  or  Brazil,  would  the  slave  trade  be 
any  longer  carried  on  ?  [Applause.]  He  then  read  offi 
cial  accounts  of  the  atrocities  perpetrated  in  Spanish  slav 
ers,  captured  by  his  majesty's  crusiers,  off  the  western  coast 
of  Africa,  and  contended  that  the  only  sure  and  effectual 
mode  of  extinguishing  this  horrid  traffic  was  to  abolish 
slavery.  He  had  spoken  of  the  infant  being  doomed  ta 
interminable  slavery,  even  from  its  mother's  womb — and 
how  heartless  and  inhuman  was  Mr.  Borthwick's  reply. 
Because,  forsooth,  children  were  generally  born  to  the  con 
dition  of  their  parents,  therefore  it  was  no  evil  that  infant 
negroes  were  born  to  bondage.  Mr.  Thompson  then  read 
several  extracts  from  the  writings  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Gilgrass, 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Drew,  and  others,  showing  the  scenes  of 
misery  and  distress  which  they  had  witnessed  from  the  sep 
aration  of  families,  and  then  quoted  the  5th  clause  of  the 
consolidated  slave  code  of  Jamaica,  of  February,  1831,  to 
show  that  though  it  was  provided  therein  that  when  whole 
families  were  seized  by  the  Marshal  they  should  not  be  sold 
separately,  there  was  nothing  to  prevent  individuals  from 
being  seized  for  their  master's  debts,  and  sold — husbands 
from  their  wives — mothers  from  their  children — sisters 
from  their  brethren.  Then  with  regard  to  the  slaves  being 
compelled  to  endure  excessive  labor,  without  any  of  the  or 
dinary  motives  to  labor— how  heartless— how  cruel — how  in 
human  was  it  in  the  advocates  of  gradual  emancipation,  to 
say  the  slave  had  double  motives,  first  to  labor  for  his  master, 
and  then  for  his  freedom.  From  Parliamentary  documents 
quoted  by  Mr.  Stephen,  in  his  admirable  work  on  the  state 
of  the  colonies,  it  appeared  that  throughout  the  year  the  slave 
had  to  labor,  upon  an  average,  16  hours  and  40  minutes 
per  day,  for-his  master,  and  yet  he  was  to  be  told  after  this 
that  the  slave  had  double  motives  to  labor.  Mr.  Borthwick 
denied  that  there  was  any  suffering  amongst  the  slaves,  and 
said  that  brands,  and  whips,  and  collars,  and  chains  were 
all  chimeras.  If  they  were  so,  what  was  the  meaning  of  a 
statement  in  the  Jamaica  pnper  he  held  in  his  hand,  that 
there  were  one  hundred  negroes  walking  the  streets  with 
from  one  to  eight  brand-marks  upon  their  bodies?  Did  he 
know  how  runaway  negroes  were  described  ?  By  the  lash 
es,  the  flogging  marks,  every  thing  that  could  torment  the 


REPLY.  Ill 

human  body  and  deform  it,  upon  them  ?  Mr.  Thompson 
then  quoted  from  the  Christian  Record,  a  Jamaica  period 
ical,  for  October,  1830,  a  statement  of  the  case  of  five 
negroes,  who  had  been  sent  out  by  their  mistress  to  stea] 
grass  from  the  neighboring  estates,  taken  to  the  protector, 
and  severely  flogged,  though  it  appeared  that  all  they  did 
was  by  command  of  their  owner,  under  fear  of  punishment 
if  they  disobeyed.  He  then  again  quoted  from  Mr.  Jere 
my's  work,,  passages  showing  the  difficulty  Mr.  Jeremy 
experienced  in  abolishing  the  use  of  the  whip,  chains,  and 
collars,  at  St.  Lucia,  and  the  ingenuity  shown  by  the  planters 
in  devising  other  instruments  of  punishment.  Mr.  Jere 
my's  work  had  been  published  for  twelve  months, — it  had 
been  reviewed  by  the  Edinburgh,  and  other  liberal  jour 
nals  ;  and  Blackwood,  Frazer,  M'  Queen,  and  the  Morning 
Post  were  silent  upon  the  subject.  Was  not  that  a  convinc^ 
ing  proof  of  the  truth  of  its  statements?  (Loud  cheers.) 
He  would  mention  another  instance  quoted  by  Mr.  Jeremy, 
A  civil  action  was  brought  in  the  court  over  which  Mr.  Jere 
my's  predecessor  in  office  presided  as  chief  justice,  in  which 
the  steward  or  bailiff  of  a  planter,  sought  to  recover  a  'sum 
.of  money  alleged  to  be  due  to  him  ;  the  master  pleaded  a 
set  off,— and  what  was  that?  Why,  that  the  bailiff  had 
flogged  two  slaves  to  death  ;  that  their  value  was  700  dol 
lars,  and  that  the  demand  ought  to  be  reduced  by  that 
amount.  (Hear,  hear.)  It  was  so  reduced,  and  the  price 
of  murder  was  allowed.  Mr.  T.  mentioned  several  similar 
instances  of  cruelty  in  Trinidad,  Martinique,  and  other 
West  Indian  colonies,  and  asked  what  chance  the  sjave  had 
for  justice,  under  a  system  rotten  to  its  core, — with  slave 
owners  for  legislators, — slave-owners  for  magistrates,— and 
slave  evidence  inadmissible.  ('  None,  none  !'  Cheers  and 
disapprobation.)  He  now  came  to  another  part  of  the 
subject,  being  the  most  important  part  of  Mr.  Borthwick's 
speech, — he  referred  to  the  recent  insurrection  in  the  is 
land  of  Jamaica.  (Hear,  hear,  hear — applause  and  disap 
probation.)  Why  was  he  hissed?  Was  it  merely  because 
he  referred  to  that  insurrection  ?  First,  with  regard  to 
insurrections  generally,  how  were  they  spoken  of  ?  When 
they  took  place  in  the  West  Indies,  they  were  called  rer 
bellions,  and  the  actors  were  stigmatized  as  rebels — tra> 
Jtors— wretclxes^y  agabonds — demons^ 


MR.  THcrMPscmfs 

How  were  the  Poles  or  the  Greeks  spoken  of  when  they 
rose  against  their  oppressors  1  (Hear,  hear.)  If  they  had 
heard  of  an  insurrection  of  their  own  countrymen  who 
were  once  slaves  at  Algiers, — to  escape  from  the  tyranny  of 
the  Dey,  would  they  have  called  it  a  rebellion — would  they 
have  designated  their  countrymen  as  wretches  and  vaga 
bonds  ?  (Cheers.)  How  did  they  speak  of  the  champions 
of  liberty  in  other  countries, — a  Tell  in  Switzerland, — a 
Byron  in  Greece — a  Bolivar  in  Columbia — a  Brutus  at 
Rome — a  La  Fayette  in  Paris!  As  heroes.  How  of  the 
negro  leaders  of  the  rebellion  in  Jamaica — a  people  more 
insulted — a  people  a  thousand  times  more  deeply  wronged 
than  even  the  people  of  Swrterland,  Greece,  Columbia, 
Rome  or  France  had  ever  been  ?  As  wretches  and  vaga 
bonds.  (Applause  and  disapprobation.)  Mr.  Borthwick 
had  last  night  Showed  a  disposition  to  curry  favor  with 
the  Wesleyans  and  Moravians  at  the  expense  of  the  Bap 
tists.  (Hisses  and  cheers.)  He  (Mr.  Thompson)  liked 
to  call  things  by  their  proper  names, — and  therefore  he 
repeated  that  Mr.  Borthwick  showed  a  disposition  to  cur 
ry  favor  with  the  Methodists.  The  planters  loved  the 
Methodists, — he  said; — did  they  so?  Then  why  did  the 
planters  pull  down  their  chapels  at  Barbadoes  ?  (Immense 
cheering.)  They  loved  the  Methodists, — then  why  did 
fhey  .imprison  Mr.  Shrewsbury, — why  did  they  persecute 
Mr.  Whitehouse, — why  did  they  imprison  Mr.  Box, — why 
did  they  pull  down  the  Methodist  chapels  at  Kingston  ? 
(Applause.)  Mr.  Thompson  then  drew  a  beautiful  picture 
of  the  disinterestedness  of  the  Christian  missionaries,  and 
their  readiness  to  go  to  any  quarter  of  the  world  ;  whether 
on  the  pestilential  banks  of  the  Gambia,  or  the  frigid  re 
gions  of  the  Pole.  The  planters,  it  seemed,  loved  all 
missionaries  except  the  Baptists;  why  then  did  they  mar 
tyr  Smith  at  Demerara  ?  Where  was  Duncan — where  was 
Young?  (Applause.)  Mr.  Thompson  then  alluded  to 
the  resolutions  quoted  on  the  preceding  evening  by  Mr. 
Borthwick,  and  showed  that  the  names  of  George  Morley, 
Richard  Watson,  and  John  Mason,  which  Mr.  Borthwick 
read  as  signatures  to  the  resolutions,  were  in  reality,  the 
names  of  the  three  resident  secretaries  in  London,  to  whom 
the  resolutions  were  addressed  by  the  secretary  Shipman. 
.Mr,  Watson  had  written  an  eloquent  reply  to  those  reso- 


ftEPLY.  113 

lutions,  strongly  condemning  the  sentiments  they  contain 
ed.  Mr.  Thompson  tken  read  a  report  on  the  subject  of 
these  resolutions,  adopted  by  the  Wesleyan  Missionary  So 
ciety,  in  which  they  disclaim  the  sentiments  uttered  in 
their  name,  and  express  their  utter  detestation  of  the  slave 
system.  The  great  body  of  the  Wesleyans  concurred  in 
the  same  opinion.  (Hear,  hear.)  What  did  the  Jamaica 
Courant,  the  organ  of  the  planters,  say  of  the  missiona 
ries? — why,  that  there  was  fine  hanging  woods  in  Trelaw- 
ney,  and  that  the  bodies  of  the  missionaries  would  diversify 
the  scene,  and  this  he  spoke  of  all  the  sectarians — all  the 
sectarians,  mind^  without  exception  in  favor  of  any  sect, 
and  the  editor  of  that  ferocious  paper,  as  Mr.  Borthwick 
well  knew  was  a  member  of  the  house  of  Assembly.  He 
would  now  read  a  letter  from  another  senator,  a  son-in-law 
of  a  peer,  a  member  of  the  House  of  Commons  in  this 
country,  and  a  large  slave  proprietor,  to  show  how  fit  he 
was  for  the  office  of  a  British  legislator.  In  the  month  of 
February,  1832, — a  short  time  after  the  news  came  of  the 
insurrection  in  Jamaica, — Mr.  Thomas  Pringle,  the  secre 
tary  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Society,  who  had  been  accustom 
ed  to  send  him  the  Anti-Slavery  Reporter,  received  the 
following  letter.  Mr.  Thompson  then  read  the  letter  whic.b 
was  nearly  to  the  following  effect : — 

Sir, — I  have  often  had  packets  from  the  Anti-Slavery  Society,  forwarded 
over-weight  to  me  in  the  country.  I  have  a  great  aversion  to  all  canting 
hypocrisy,  but  it  is  doubly  detestable  when  it  is  made  a  cloak  for  mischievous 
purpose?.  I  therefore  beg  you.  not  to  send  me  anymore  papers.  I  shall 
only  add  my  most  earnest  hope,  that  the  Commander-in-Chief  in  Jamaica  vvi.Il 
hasg  every  missonary  in  the  Island ;  and  if  the  same  com  se  were  adopted  here 
with  the  gentlemen  who  present  their  petitions  on  the  subject,  a  considerable 
benefit  would  arise  to  the  community  at  large,  and  most  particularly  to  the 
House  of  Commons.  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  \our  most  obedient  servant. 
SPENCER  "HORSEY  KILDERBEE. 

If  they  wanted  to  know  more  about  this  gentleman,  he 
was  a  member  for  Oxford,  in  the  County  of  Suffolk,  a 
borough  now  in  schedule  A.  Was  that  man  fit  to  be  $ 
legislator  1  Were  not  the  beautiful  lines  of  Sir  Walter 
Scott,  applicable  to  that  selfish,  heartless  individual.  Mr. 
Thompson  then  repeated  as  applicable  to  this  gentleman, 
the  beautiful  and  forcible  lines  of  Sir  Walter  Scott,  con> 


Breathes  there  the  man  with  so«i  so  dead,  &C, 

10* 


114 

He  more  particularly  applied  to  him,  however,  the  follow 
ing  passage  : — 

<  If  such  there  "be,  go  mark  him  well, 
For  him  no  minstrel  raptures  swell, 
High  though  his  title,  proud  his  name, — 
Boundleshis  wealth  as  wish  can  claim, 
Despite  those  titles  power  and  pelf, 
The  wretch,  concentred  all  in  self, 
-.Living  shall  forfeit  fair  renown, 
And  doubly  dying  shall  go  dowe 
To  the  vile  dust  from  whence  he  sprung, 
'Unwept,  unhnnored,  and  unsung!' 

l\lr.  Borthwick  had  objected  to  the  missionaries  because 
they  did  not  understand  Greek, — because  they  were  unac 
quainted  with  the    oriental   tongues, — because    they  had 
not  travelled  over  Palestine  ;  but  did  he  forget  that  Christ 
chose   ignorant,  unlearned  fishermen  for  his  apostles,  and 
that  God  himself  declared  that  he  <ihose  the  weak  and  fee 
ble  things  of  the  world  to  overcome  the  strong — the  fool 
ish  to  -eonfound  the  wise.     (Applause.)     Mr.  Borthwick 
had  spoken  of  ladies  who  .had  been  arbused  and  murdered  ; 
torn  linrb    from   limb"— where  -was  tire  proof  of  the  fact? 
Liriton's   confession?     It  said   not  a  word  about  it.     Mr. 
Thompson  then  entered  into  several  staiernenis  relative  to 
the   demolition   of  Baptist  chapels  in  Jamaica,  amounting 
in  value   to   twenty-three  thousand  two  hundred  and   fifty 
pounds  currency,  and   then  said,  he  called  upon  the  Wes- 
feyawsj    Church-of-England-men,   and    Moravians, — upon 
all  who   were    Christians   and  men,  to  come  forward  and 
make  common  cause  with    the   injured,  the  calumniated., 
the  murdered  Baptists,  against  the  white  ruffians  of  Jamai 
ca.     [Immense  cheering,  followed  by  disapprobation.]   He 
was  sure  that  he  had    the  hearts  and  consciences  of  the 
meeting  with  him;  and  recommended  JVIr.    Borthwick    i& 
future  not  to  feel  the  pulse  of  the  audience  in  such  a  man 
ner  as  he  had  recently  done,  and  in  order  to  save  him  the 
trouble  he  would  say  ;  '  Let  thos€  that  believe  that  slavery 
is  incompatible  with  Christianity,  and  ought  to  be  abolish 
ed,  hold  up  their  hands.'      [A  vast  majority  of  the  meeting 
responded  to  the  call,  by  holding  up  their  hands,  and  this 
manifestation  of  feeling  was   hailed   with  the  most  enthu- 
-plastic  cheering.]     Let  those  who  thought  otherwise  ho!4 


TtfiPLY.  115 

tip  their  hands.  'None?  Then  none  have  I  offended.' 
lie  denied  that  the  planters  had  stopped  the  slave  trade, 
although  Jamaica  and  Virginia  had  petitioned  against  it, 
when  they  found  they  were  overstocked  with  slaves,  and 
wished  to  prevent  their  neighbors  from  getting  a  fresh 
supply.  The  planters,  in  fact,  had  never  made  any  con 
cession  to  which  they  had  not  been  goaded.  Had  they 
not  opposed  Mr.  Wilberforce,  and  divided,  repeatedly,  both 
Houses  of  Parliament  against  proposed  ameliorations  of 
the  negroes'  condition  ?  Yet  Mr.  Borthwick  said  they  wish 
ed  for  the  abolition  of  slavery. 

And  Borthwick  was  an  honorable  man, 
So  were  they  all — all  honorable  men. 

To  him  however,  it  was  passing  strange,  that  they  should 
show  their  love  for  abolition  by  resisting  it,  as  they  had 
shewn  their  love  to  religion  by  burning  the  chapels  and 
persecuting  the  missionaries.  [Cheers.]  *If  this  was  love,  it 
was  the  love  of  madmen,  who  were  said  to  destroy  what  they 
loved  the  best.  [Cheers  and  laughter.]  Mr.  Thompson  then 
alluded  to  the  extract  read  by  his  opponent  from  the  Morn 
ing  Journal,  and  showed  that  the  immorality  of  the  slave 
had  been  caused  by  slavery,  and  by  his  forcible  separation 
from  the  objects  of  his  early  attachment.  '  The  morning' 
Journal  abuses  four  and  twenty  ladies  of  Clapham,  and 
tells  an  anecdote  of  a  man  who  in  the  first  place  was  torn 
from  Africa  where  he  had  taken  a  wife,  severed  from  her 
and  his  children  and  brought  to  the  West  Indies.  'Was 
not  that  a  crime,  I  ask  ?  (Hear,  hear.)  In  the  West  In 
dies  he  takes  another  wife,  and  then  the  Morning  Journal 
and  Mr.  Borthwick  charge  him  with  bigamy  ; — but  what 
caused  the  bigamy  ?  The  slave  trade  and  slavery.  (Loud 
applause.)  He  was  again  dragged  from  his  second  wife 
and  children,  and  taken  to  America,  where  he  took  a  third 
wife,  and  then  he  is  charged  with  trigamy.  What  is  it  that 
occasions  trigamy  in  the  man  who  is  torn  from  one  wife 
.in  Africa,  and  from  another  in  the  West  Indies,  and  takes 
ft  third  in  America?  Slavery!  (Applause,  and  cries  of 
•'  True,  true.')  Here  is  one  woman  left  desolate  in 
Africa;  is  the.*e  no  'evil'  inflicted  on  her  ?  Another  is 
left  desolate  in  the  West  Indies  ;  is  there  no  evil  inflicted 
on  her  ?  The  fatherless  children,  too  ;  is  no  suffering  and 
misery  entailed  upon  them  by  sp  foul  a  crime?  (Ap 
plause.)  If  Mr.  Borthwick  were  wise  he  would  keep  such 


116  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

things  as  these  in  the  back  ground.  (Hear,  hear.)  Joy  go 
with  him  and  his  bigamy  and  trigamy  too.  (Laughter.)  If 
he  goes  on  in  this  way,  he,  at  least,  will  stand  little  chance 
of  committing  either  bigamy  or  trigamy.  (Much  laughter.) 
He  will  not  allow  me  to  call  the  planters  names, — why  then 
does  he  call  Pharaoh  a  tyrant1?  because  he  was  a  slave 
owner.  Why  does  he  call  ancient  tyrants  names,  and  not 
allow  the  same  names  to  be  applied  to  tyrants  of  modern 
times.  '  O,  says  he,  you  must  be  very  gentle,  you  must  be 
very  lamb-like,  when  you  speak  of  modern  slave-owners. 
If  you  speak  of  Pharaoh,  you  may  call  him  tyrant  ;  if  .you 
speak  of  Nero,  you  may  call  him  tyrant;  if  you  speak  of 
the  Goths  and  Vandals,  you  may  call  them  tyrants  ;  if  you 
speak  of  the  ancient  feudal  system  in  England,  you  may 
call  the  lords  of  the  soil  tyrants,  if  you  will  ;  but  don't  call 
the  West  Indian  planters  tyrants  when  you  are  pleading 
the  cause  of  the  negroes  ;  don't  call  them  names,  but  be 
very  calm,  peaceable,  and  polite.'  I  am  reminded  of  an 
anecdote  of  Demosthenes,  the  celebrated  orator,  and  will 
relate  it,  as  some  sort  of  excuse  for  iny  being  a  little  warm 
occasionally,  and  to  show  why  I  perspire  so  much,  why  I 
am  not  so  cool  as  Mr.  Borthwick,  who,  you  observe,  never 
wipes  the  perspiration  from  his  brows,  but  always  keeps 
himself  cool  and  comfortable.  (A  laugh.)  As  Demos 
thenes  was  one  day  silting  in  his  study,  a  person  came  to 
him  and  said,  *  I  want  you  to  undertake  my  cause.' 
'  What  do  you  complain  of ?'  said  the  orator.  'Why,' 
replied  his  client  in  a  very  cool  and  calm  way,  '  why,  down 
the  street,  a  man  struck  me,  spat  upon  me,  and  reviled  me, 
and  I  am  come  to  you  to  obtain  redress.'  *  I  don't  believe 
you,'  said  Demosthenes  ;  '  I  put  no  faith  in  your  story  ; 
you  don't  look  like  an  injured  and  insulted  man  ;  I  can* 
not  credit  what  you  tell  me.'  *  Not  believe  me !'  exclaim 
ed  the  man ;  'what!  not  believe  me  !  when  I  tell  you  that 
he  struck  me  a  foul  blow,  laid  me.on  the  earth,  spit  and 
trampled  upon  me?  Not  think  «ie  an  injured  man  V 
'Hold,  hold,'  said  Demosthenes,  *  now  I  believe  you.  I 
see  it  in  the  fire  of  your  eye,  in  the  quivering  of  your  lip,  in 
the  agitation  of  your  frame.  Now  I  believe  you,  and  will 
undertake  your  cause.'  (Applause.)  And  shall  we,  when 
we  plead  the  cause  of  eight  hundred  thousand  human  beings 
now  breathing, — shall  we,  when  we  plead  the  cause  of 


REPLY.  117 

the  millions  who  no  longer  breathe, — when  we  speak  of 
the  rnen  and  women  burnt  in  the  villages  and  towns  of 
Africa, — that  died  in  the  pathway  of  the  desert, — that 
were  thrown  overboard  to  the  sharks  of  the  Atlantic,—- 
that  perished  by  disease  occasioned  by  the  seasoning;-— 
shall  we,  when  we  speak  of  these  victims  to  human  ava 
rice  and  depravity,  becalm  and  cool,  and  say,  'Pray,  Mr. 
Borthvvick, — pray,  Mr.  Kilderbee, — pray  Mr.  any  body 
else,  oblige  ns  by  considering  the  subject?'  No;  if  we 
love  liberty  ourselves  ;  if  we  would  die  to  defend  it  when 
invaded  on  our  own  shores,  let  us  not  pause  till  we  obtain 
a  complete  and  glorio.us  triumph  over  colonial  oppression.' 
(Loud  cheers.) 

Mr.  Thompson  then  exposed,  in  a  tone  of  the  bitterest 
satire,  the  inconsistency  of  Mr.  Borthwick,  in  represent 
ing  the  negro  as  perfectly  contented  with  his  condition, 
and  desiring  no  further  freedom. 

'Mr.  Borthwick  is  a  great  admirer  of  the  missionary,  yet  he 
kept  throwing  dirt  upon  him  at  every  step  ;  Mr.  Borthwick  is 
a  great  admirer  of  the  negro,  yet  he  describes  him  as  a 
complete  beast  in  Africa  and  something  worse  in  the  West 
Indies  ;  he  is  a  great  admirer  of  freedom,  but  he  says  that 
the  negro  is  not  fit  for  freedom  ;  he  loves  religion,  but  he 
said  that  the  insurrection  in  Jamaica  had  its  first  founda 
tion  in  religion.  (Cries  of  '  No,  no.')  The  audience, 
however,  stopped  him  short,  and  then  he  said  '  perversion 
of  religion  ; '  for  he 

c  Can  turn, 
And  turn,  and  turn  again,  and  still  go  on.' 

No  man  knows  how-to  slide  off  in  a  beautiful  curve  better 
than  Mr.  Borthvvick.  (Hisses  and  applause.)  Then  he 
said  something  very  beautiful  about  the  happiness  and 
contentedness  of  the  negro,  which  would  be  very  elegant, 
if  it  were  true  ;  but  the  misfortune  is,  that  most  of  the  things 
he  says  are  not  true,  in  fact.  That  he  believes  them  to  be 
true,  I  must  not  question.  He  says  that  the  negroes  do 
not  care  for  freedom,  that  they  set  no  value  upon  it, — that 
if  you  go  round  amongst  them,  and  put  the  question  to 
them,  they  will  say,  '  No,  Massa  ;  me  very  happy,  me 
want  no  more,  me  get  all  me  care  for; '  that,  in  fine,  they 
would  not  have  their  freedom  if  they  could  get  it.  Would 
they  not?  Then  why  are  the  newspapers  filled  with  ad- 


118  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

vertisements  of  runaway  negroes?  Why  are  the  prisons 
filled  with  runaway  negroes  ?  Why  are  the  mountains 
peopled  with  runaway  negroes?  Why  is  the  bush  filled 
with  runaway  negroes  ?  Why  is  a  standing  army  kept  to 
force  shivery  down  the  throats  of  the  negroes,  if  they  are 
in  love  with  it?  (Loud  applause.)  Does  the  mother  hold 
a  rod  over  the  child's  head  to  force  it  to  eat  apple  tart? 
(Laughter.)  Did  Adam  and  Eve  run  out  of  Paradise? 
If  the  negroes  like  slavery,  then  withdraw  the  troops,  and 
save  us  the  trouble  and  expense,  the  loss  of  life  and  money 
needlessly  incurred,  if  the  negroes  are  contented  with  their 
condition.  (Loud  applause.)  But  they  like  slavery,  and 
do  not  wish  for  liberty  ;  and  Mr.  Borthwick  exclaims  they 
shall  not  have  liberty  now,  because  they  do  not  know  its 
value;  but  shall  man  be  kept  in  slavery,  because  he  does 
not  know  the  value  of  liberty  ?  See  the  pitiful  dilemma 
into  which  Mr.  Borthwick  has  brought  himself;  the  ne 
groes  do  not  like  what  nil  men  sigh  for, — what  they  would 
bleed  and  die  to  defend, — what  they  would  give  house 
and  lands,  friends  and  reputation  to  obtain; — and  here  is 
the  dilemma, — if  it  be  so,  then  planters  and  proprietors, 
upholders  of  slavery,  he  defends  and  maintains  a  vile  and 
brutalizing  system,  which  has  extinguished  in  man  the  most 
noble  and  generous  quality  which  distingushes  him  from 
the  brutes.  (Loud  cheers.)  What!  because  men  do  not 
like  liberty, — if  it  be  true  that  they  do  not  like  it,  are  we 
not  to  try  to  make  them  like  it  ?  Mr.  Borthwick  tells  us 
that  the  negroes  are  very  happy  and  contented, — that  they 
want  no  more  ;  and  then  he  tells  us  of  a  man,  a  most  mis 
erable  man, — if  ever  there  were  so  very  a  wretch, — that 
bought  fifty  acres  of  land,  and  then  said  he  did  not  want 
his  own  liberty.  I  should  like  to  see  the  man  who  was 
thus  in  love  with  '  going  round  and  round  his  tub.'  Noi 
like  liberty  for  himself! — why,  then,  did  he  want  it  for  his 
wife  and  children  ?  Mr.  Borthwick  tells  us  that  he  might 
cail  them  'MY  OWN'  (Loud  cheers.)  Mr.  Borthwick 
tells  us  that  when  asked  the  question,  the  man  replied,  '  I 
want  to  call  them  mine  ;'  and  I  beg  Mr.  Borthwick  to  re 
member  that  word  mine.  Not  like  liberty  !  Suppose  I  go 
with  Mr.  Borthwick  to  a  lunatic  asylum  ;  (I  do  not  mean 
any  thing  invidious — I  do  not  think  that  either  Mr.  Borth 
wick  or  myself  are  fit  to  be  permanent  residents  in  a  luna- 


REPLY.  119 

tic  asylum  ;)  but  suppose  that  we  go  as  accidental  visitors, 
just  as  he  came  to  see  ine  at  Manchester.  (A  laugh.)  Sup 
pose  we  go  into  a  ward,  and  see  a  man  weaving  a  crown 
of  straw,  putting  it  on  his  head,  and  then  walking  up  and 
down  the  ward,  with  his  miserable  rags  trailing  behind 
him,  wielding  his  sceptre  over  an  imaginary  world, — Uto 
pian  princes  bowing  at  his  footstool.  I  say  to  Mr.  Borth 
wick,  '  Is  not  that  man  happy  1  He  never  implores  for 
liberty  ;  he  fancies  himself  clothed  in  regal  splendor,,  with 
crouching  slaves  around  him  ; — is  he  not  happy  ?'  Mr. 
Borthwick  would  shake  his  head,  be  silent  and  turn  grave. 
Then  lue  might  see  another  man  chalking  ludicrous  figures 
on  the  wall,  or  stringing  together  senseless  rhymes,  and 
humming  them  the  livelong  day;  and  I  might  say,  'Is 
not  this  man  happy  '?  He  is  always  smiling  ;  he  is  fully 
satisfied  with  himself ;  he  never  sends  a  wish  beyond  his 
prison  walls  ; — is  he  not  happy  ?  Mr.  Borthwick  would 
still  be  silent.  Then  I  might  show  him  a  beautiful  female 
singing  love  ditties  all  day  long, — an  eternal  smile  play 
ing  on  her  countenance  ;  and  I  might  say,  '  Look  up 
on  this  being  and  say,  is  she  not  happy  1  Are  not  all 
these  happy?'  And  then  Mr.  Borthwick,  with  a  sigh, 
would  answer,  '  No,  they  are  not  happy  ;  see  what  a  wreck 
of  mind  ;  see  reason  dethroned  ;  see  all  the  bright  facul 
ties  of  the  soul  gone  astray!  Oh  !  save  them  from  this 
place, 

'  Where  kjtlghter  is  not  mirth,  nor  thought  the  mind, 
Nor  words  u  language, — nor  e'en  men  mankind.' 

Let  us  strive  to  bring  them  back  to  society  and  to  rational 
being;  let  them,  if  it  must  be,  taste  its  sorrows  and  its 
bitterness  ,  but  let  them  know  what  are  its  joys,  its  hopes,  Us 
anticipations  ;  let  them  live  to  mingle  with  mankind,  and 
fit  themselves  for  immortality.'  And  I  reply,  'Yes,  let 
us  try  to  save  them  ;  let  all  human  means  be  used  to  save 
them  from  this'place  ;  and  when  you  have  dropped  the  tear 
of  sympathy  over  degraded  reason  here,  go  to  the  West  In 
dies,  preach  that  doctrine  to  the  slaves,  and  see  whether, 
in  their  present  prostration  there  is  any  reason  why  they 
should  not  have  awakened  in  their  minds  a  love  of  liberty, 
if  it  be  not  already  there, — why  they  should  not  be  raised 
from  that  hateful  system  by  which  they  are  now  enthrall 
ed,  and  brought  to  the  enjoyment  of  perfect  freedom.' 
(Cheers.) 


120  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

But  lam  prepared  to  show  that  slaves  (Jo  value  freedom 
and  long  to  possess  it,  notwithstanding  Mr.  Borthwick's 
declaration  to  the  contrary.  I  hold  in-  my  hand  two  doc 
uments, — the  first  is  a  proclamation  from  Governor 
Ross,  published  in  the  Antigua  Register  of  March  29, 
1831:— 

'ANTIGUA. 

cBy  his  Excellency  Sir  Patrick  Ross,  Knight,  Commander 
of  the  most  distinguished  Order  of  St.  Michael  and  St. 
George,  Major-General  in  the  Army,  Governor,  and  Com- 
mander-in-(Jhief  in  and  over  his  Majesty's  Islands  of  Anti 
gua,  Montserrat,  and  Barbuda,  Chancellor,  Vice-Admiral, 
and  Ordinary  of  the  same,  &c.  &c.-  &c. 
« Patrick  (L.S.)  Ross. 

*  WHEREAS  by  my  proclamation  bearing  date  the  twenty-first  clay  of 
this  present  month,  I  did,  by  and  with  ihe  advice  of  His  Majesty's  Privy 
Council,  offer  a  Reward-of  One  Hundred  Pounds  to  the  Person  or  Persons, 
(except  the  actual  offender)  who  should  give  such  information  as  would  lead 
to  the  conviction  of  the  offender  or  offenders,  who  set  fire  to  several  cane 
pieces  on  this  Island,  and  also  a  free  pardon  to  an  accomplice  or  accomplices, 
on  conviction,  by  their  means,  of  the  actual  perpetrator  of  such  diabolical  acts. 
Now,  therefore,  I  do  further,  in  compliance  with  the  joint  advice  of  both 
Houses  of  the  Legislature,  offer 

FREEDOM  TO  ANY  SLAVE, 

who  by  his  or  her  exertions  and  evidence,  may  bring  to  justice  any  of  the 
incendiaries  who  have  been  destroying  the  canes  in  various  parts  of  the  In 
land. 

*  Given  under  my  hand  and  seal  at  Government-house,  this 
Twenty-second  day  «f  March,  One  Thousand  Eight  Hun 
dred  and  Thirty-one,  and  in  the  First  Year  of  His  Majesty's 
Reign. 

'  God  save  the  King. 
'  By  His  Excellency's  command, 

CHARLES  TAYLOR,  Private  Secretary. 

'Duly  published  this  Twenty-third  day  of  March,  One  Thousand*  Eight 
Hundred  and  Thirty-one. 

MARTIN  N ANTON  Deputy  Provost  Marshal.' 
—  Weekly  Register,  Antigua,  Tuesday,  March  29, 1831. 

Now,  Mr.  Borthwick,  when  Governor  Ross  means  to 
offer  the  highest  reward  which  it  is  in  his  power  to  con 
fer, — what  is  it  that  he  docs  offer  ?  A  few  more  yams,  a 
little  more  rum,  or  a  little  more  clothing  ?  No  ;  but  lie  offers 
the  slave  the  highest  boon  which  the  island  can  grant, — he 
offers  him  freedom.  (Loud  cheers.)  Another  proclama 
tion  to  the  same  effect  was  issued  in  Jamaica  during  the 
late  insurrection. 

Freedom,  Mr.  Borthwick,  is  the  highest  boon  that  gov 
ernors  and  generals  can  bestow  ;  and  to-day  I  have  been 
informed,  by  a  gentleman  now  on  this  platform,  that  whilst 


HEPLY.  121 

he  was  on  the  island  of  Nevis,  a  few  years  back,  the  in 
habitants  were  alarmed  by  a  tremendous  storm,  and  found 
that  a  vessel  had  been  wrecked,  the  crew  of  which  were 
in  danger  of  perishing.  The  planters  stood  on  the  beach, 
beholding  the  desolation  on  the  waters,  but  they  could  not 
induce  any  person  to  launch  a  boat  and  go  to  the  assist 
ance  of  the  persons  in  the  wreck.  At  last,  the  planters 
offered  freedom  to  any  slaves  who  would  put  off  to  the  as 
sistance  of  the  shipwrecked  mariners,and  immediately  these 
men,  who  are  said  to  care  nothing  about  liberty,  rushed 
into  the  boat,  and  risked  their  own  existence  to  save  those 
who  were  in  danger  of  perishing.  (Cheers.)  In  the  year 
1794  there  was  what  was  termed  the  Maroon  war  in  Ja 
maica  :  and  who  were  the  Maroons?  Runaway  negroes! 
And  where  had  they  run  from  ?  From  the  '  four  parlors 
and  a  saloon.'  What  did  they  run  from?  From  the  light 
work,  the  beautiful  clothing,  and  abundance  of  food  ;  from 
the  kind  care  and  culture  of  the  planters.  And  where  did 
they  run  to  from  all  this  comfort  and  happiness?  To  the 
bleak  and  desolate  mountains,  to  the  fastnesses  of  Jamaica. 
Ay,  to  the  desolate  mountain,  from  the  four  parlors  and  a 
saloon.  And  what  did  they  do  there  ?  Why,  whilst  the 
negro  of  Jamaica  was  enjoying  his  four  parlors  and  a  sa 
loon,  drinking  his  wine,  and  revelling  in  all  the  luxuries 
of  slavery,  like  another  Sardanapalus,  the  negroes  in  the 
mountains  were  getting  strong,  increasing  and  multiplying, 
and  at  last  down  they  came  upon  the  whites,  and  threatened 
to  exterminate  them.  The  whites  met  together  to  consider 
how  they  might  best  resist  the  aggressions  of  the  Maroons  : 
the  standing  troops  were  called  out,  and  found  to  be  insuffi 
cient,  and. with  the  militia  added  the.y  were  still  thought 
insufficient,  and  the  arming  of  the  negroes  was  talked  of: 
but  somebody  said,  '  How  do  you  know,  when  you  have 
armed  the  negroes,  that  they  will  fight  for  you  ?  How  do 
you  know  that  they  will  not  make  common  cause  with  the 
Maroons?  You  must  find  some  motive  sufficiently  strong 
to  induce  them  to  fight.'  And  what  was  that  motive  ? 
Was  it  food,  house,  a  provision  ground  ?  No  :  they  prom 
ised  the  slave  liberty!  (Loud  cheers.)  And  with  liber 
ty  in  their  hearts,  liberty  their  watchword,  and  liberty  their 
expected  reward,  they  went  to  the  battle  plain,  they  fought 
•^d  bled,  and  even  many  of  them  died,  whilst  the  living 


122  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

returned  victorious,  not  to  pull  down  chapels,  not  to  injure 
innocent  men,  but  to  clasp  to  their  bosoms  their  wives  and 
their  children,  to  stretch  out  their  free  hands  to  Heaven 
and  say,  '  Now,  indeed,  we  are  men  and  brethren.' 
(Hear  that,  Mr.  Borthwick.)  I  beg  my  friends  will  not 
make  any  remarks;  Jet  them  leave  that  to  me,  for  lam 
exceedingly  jealous  of  my  privileges.  (Much  laughter.) 

And  now,  Mr.  Borthwick  comes  to  Hayti;  he  thinks  he 
has  a  fine  specimen  of  the  dangers  of  emancipation  at 
Hayti ;  and  he  measures  the  happiness  of  the  inhabitants 
of  that  island  by  the  amount  of  their  exports.  But  this  is 
false  philosophy,  Mr.  Borthwick.  Suppose  the  people  of 
Ireland  were  to  ship  less  of  their  produce,  less  corn,  fewer 
cattle,  and  fewer  potatoes  to  foreign  countries  than  they 
now  do,  and  eat  it  all  themselves,  would  any  person  assign 
this  as  a  reason  why  they  should  be  worse  off  than  they 
were  when  they  did  export  a  larger  quantity.  (Cheers.) 
Mr.  Borthwick  ought  not  to  measure  the  comfort  and  hap 
piness  of  a  people,  by  the  amount  of  their  exports.  Would 
he  argue,  because  the  stage-proprietor  did  not  carry  so 
many  passengers,  and  therefore  did  not  run  his  horses  so 
frequently,  that  the  horses  were  worse  off  than  they  were 
before.  (Loud  cheers.)  Would  he  argue  that  the  ox  was 
in  a  worse  condition  because  he  trod  out  less  corn  than  he 
did  before?  How  does  it  happen  that  the  Hayiians  have 
not  cultivated  so  much  sugar  as  they  did  formerly.  Why 
did  they  cultivate  so  much  formerly  ?  Because  of  the 
whip,  to  please  their  masters,  not  to  please  themselves. 
(Loud  cheers.)  What  is  the  fact  now  ?  A  gentleman 
who  is  now  here  is  willing  to  come  forward,  and  state  it 
firmly,  fearlessly,  and  openly.  (Cheers.)  After  a  twelve 
years'  residence  in  Hayti,  where  he  kept  a  regular  account 
of  exports  and  imports,  and  investigated  the  manners, 
motives,  and  desires  of  the  inhabitants,  he  is  ready  to  tes 
tify  that  the  commerce  of  Hayti  is  prosperous,  and  that  the 
peasants  of  Hayti  are  as  happy  as  any  portion  of  the  hu 
man  family.  (Loud  cries  of  'Name,  name.')  Mr.  Shiel. 
(Loud  and  reiterated  cheering.) 

Mr.  SHIEL  then  stood  upon  the  table,  and  said — Ladies 
and  Gentlemen,  called  upon  as  I  have  been  by  the  gentle 
man  who  has  already  addressed  you  for  upwards  of  three 
hours,  I  do  not  come  forward  to  make  any  long  oration,  I 


REPLY.  123 

merely  come  forward  to  say  that  the  facts  stated  by  that 
gentleman,  with  regard  to  Hayti,  are  perfectly  correct, 
and  that  1  have  witnessed  them.  I  know  that  the  people 
of  Hayti  are  free,  independent,  comfortable,  and  happy. 
(Cheers.)  There  is  also  another  point  which  I  wish  to 
notice  ;  a  point  which  has  never  yet  been  laid  before  the 
British  public  : — I  allude  to  the  revolution  which  occurred 
in  Hayti  in  1822,  when  the  Spanish  part  of  the  colony 
threw  off  the  yoke  of  slavery.  That  revolution  was  effect 
ed  by  the  people,  without  a  single  act  of  violence  even  of 
the  most  trifling  character.  (Cheers.)  The  masters,  it 
is  to  be  observed,  were  Spaniards — a  people  who  never  mal 
treated  their  slaves.  (Hear,  hear.)  The  slaves  declared 
themselves  free,  shook  off  the  Spanish  yoke,  and  joined  the 
republican  part  of  Hayti,  without  a  single  act  of  violence 
or  the  slightest  destruction  of  property.  [Loud  cheers.] 
Mr.  THOMPSON  then  resumed,  and  after  eulogising  the 
condition  of  the  free  negroes  in  Sierra  Leone,  in  compari 
son  with  the  West  Indian,  he  said  he  would  come  to  Mr. 
Borthwick's  leg.  [Laughter.]  He  wished  he  could  come 
down  from  where  he  then  was  [Mr.  B.  was  in  front  of  the 
side  boxes]  and  show  them  his  calf,  that  he  might  see  what 
he  had  to  work  upon — [a  laugh] — although  he  suspect 
ed  that  there  was  calf  higher  when  he  gave  that  challenge. 
[Great  laughter.]  However  he  would  reply  to  Mr.  Borth 
wick's  challenge,  by  giving  him  a  counter  one.  He  [Mr. 
T.]  never  said  that  he  could  lay  open  the  flank  of  a  mule 
with  a  Jamaica  cart-whip.  What  he  said  was,  that  a  skil 
ful  athletic  slave  driver  had  actually  done  so,  in  the  pres 
ence  of  Mr.  Coultart,  the  missionary.  Now,  if  Mr.  Borth* 
wick  could  make  a  coat  to  fit  him  [Mr.  Thompson]  as 
well  as  the  one  which  he  then  had  on,  he  would  give  him 
two  hundred  pounds.  [Cheers  and  laughter.]  And  if 
Mr.  Borthwick  could  not  make  a  coat,  how  could  he  ex 
pect  him  [Mr.  Thompson]  to  lay  open  the  calf  of  his  leg, 
which  he  begged  to  assure  him  he  would  not  do  for  the 
world,  even  if  he  could.  Mr.  Thompson  then  proceeded 
to  combat  the  arguments  of  Mr.  Borthwick  in  reference  to 
the  danger  of  emancipation.  He  quoted  the  example  of 
Sir  Stamford  Raffles  in  Java,  and  of  Bolivar,  in  Mexico, 
who  abolished  slavery  by  a  dash  of  the  pen,  with  the  hap-, 
piest  results.  He  further  observed,  that  after  deducting  from 


124  MR.  THOMPSON'S  REPLY. 

the  slave  population  the  females,  the  aged,  the  infirm,  and 
the  children,  those  who  had  been  converted  to  Christianity 
by  the  missionaries,  and  those  who  were  attached  to  their 
masters,  the  remnant  of  the  disaffected  or  revengeful 
would  be  too  trifling  to  occasion  alarm,  even  were  they  dis 
posed  to  resist  the  mild  and  kindly  influence  of  British 
laws  and  British  mercy.  The  cry  of  danger  was  a  mere 
bugbear  to  enhance  the  price  of  compensation.  We  are 
not  fed  by  slavery,  said  Mr.  Thompson,  in  conclusion,  we 
are  taxed  by  slavery  ;  ours  is  the  cause  of  humanity,  theirs 
of  interest ;  ours  of  religion,  theirs  of  tyranny. 

Mr.  Thompson  concluded  a  lecture  of  four  hours  dura 
tion  by  returning  thanks  for  the  attention  with  which  he 
had  been  heard.  The  meeting  then  dispersed. 


125  ) 


MR.  BORTHWICK'S  REJOINDER. 

On  Friday  evening  the  Amphitheatre  was  again  filled  at 
an  early  hour,  to  hear  Mr.  Borthwick's  reply  to  the  address 
of  Mr.  Thompson  on  the  preceding  evening. 

CHARLES  HORSFALL,  Esq.,  was  invited  to  take  the 
Chair. 

Mr.  Borthwick  then  stood  forward  to  address  the  meet 
ing,  but  was  loudly  called  upon  to  mount  the  table.  This 
call  he  for  some  time  resisted,  but  the  vociferation  contin 
uing,  he  at  length  yielded  to  the  persevering  solicitations 
of  the  audience,  and  was  then  permitted  to  proceed.  After 
some  introductory  observations  he  proceeded  to  say  that 
the  appearance  of  himself  and  his  opponent  before  the 
public  at  the  present  moment,  was,  to  say  the  least  of  it, 
rather  premature,  since  two  committess,  one  of  the  House 
of  Commons,  and  the  other  of  the  House  of  Lords,  were 
now  sitting  to  examine  the  very  matters  under  discussion  ; 
the  former  having  been  appointed  on  the  petition  of  the 
abolitionists,  and  the  latter  in  answer  to  the  prayers  of  the 
West  Indian  body.  The  sitting  of  these  committees  must 
afford  some  security  to  both  of  those  parties,  at  whose  insti 
gation  they  were  appointed,  that  the  question  would  at  last 
receive  due  consideration,  and  that  justice  would  ultimate 
ly  be  done.  It  was,  therefore,  premature  in  the  Anti-Sla 
very  Society  to  be  sending  their  agents  to  .arid  fro  over 
England,  to  urge  upon  the  people  the  necessity  of  the  im 
mediate  abolition  of  slavery.  If  the  object  was  to  get  the 
House  of  Commons  packed  by  abolitionists,  then  he  ap 
pealed  to  every  reformer  who  was  present  if  this  mode 
of  influencing  the  electors  of  Great  Britain  was  not  as 
bad  as  the  the  much  repudiated  influence  of  the  borough- 
mongers.  These  appeals  would  no  doubt  be  followed  by 
the  proposal  to  require  pledges  from  their  future  represent 
atives,  that  they  would  vote  for  the  immediate  and  uncon 
ditional  abolition  of  slavery.  He  begged  them,  however, 
to  suspend  their  judgment  until  they  heard  the  evidence 
laid  before  parliament.  This  (said  Mr.  Borthwick)  is  the 
11* 


126  MR.  BORTHWICK'S 

sum  of  my  request ;  and  this  will  appear — [A  voice  from  the 
gallery — '  By  and  by' — great  laughter.]  Mr.  Borthwick 
then  proceeded  to  reply  to  the  charges  of  '  falsehood'  and 
'  folly,'  brought  against  him  by  his  opponent,  and  to  justify 
himself  for  referring  in  his  former  lecture  to  the  published 
speech  of  Mr.  Thompson,  at  Manchester.  The  statement 
respecting  the  free  negroes  at  Sierra  Leone,  that  the  most 
happy  of  them  were  more  miserable  than  the  most  miserable 
West  Indian  sfave,  he  advanced  on  the  authority  of  the 
Aid-de-Camp  to  General  Turner.  Mr.  Borthwick  then 
ridiculed  the  statement  of  Mr.  Thompson,  that  like  Nehe- 
miah,  he  had  a  '  great  work'  to  do,  to  accomplish  whrch  he 
must  go  hither  and  thither  without  stopping  to  carry  on  a 
discussion  with  Mr.  Borthwick.  The  great  work  which  Ne- 
hemiah  had  to  do,  was  to  build  up  the  city  of  his  fathers,  the 
work  of  Mr.  Thompson  was  to  pull  down.  (Great  uproar.) 
He  rather  resembled  a  certain  person  who,  on  one  occa 
sion,  presented  himself  where  the  sons  of  God  were  met 
together,  and  who  was  said  to  go  to  and  fro  over  the  face 
of  the  earth.  Mr.  Thompson  had  replied  to  his  former 
speech  by  recapitulating  his  twenty-six  evils.  He  ought 
to  have  shown  that  these  were  peculiar  to  slavery  in  gen 
eral,  and  to  British  colonial  slavery  in  particular.  This, 
however,  he  had  failed  to  do.  He  had  failed  to  prove  that 
his  first  evil,  the  sterility  of  the  soil,  was  peculiar  to  slave 
ry.  He  had  failed  to  refute  the  objection  to  the  second 
evil, — the  enslavement  of  the  children  of  slaves.  He  ad 
mitted  that  the  child  of  the  English  peasant  might  rise  to 
the  highest  distinction,  and  obtain  the  dignity  of  Lore? 
Chancellor, — a  fact,  which  there  were  two  splendid  in 
stances  now  living  to  prove.  That  the  child  of  the  slave 
might  become  a  member  of  assembly  was  equally  true. 
Hopkinson,  Esq.  the  son  of  a  female  ?lave,  who  now  re 
sided  in  Liverpool,  was  so  elected.  With  regard  to  the 
principle,  that  the  sins  of  fathers  might  be  visited  upon 
their  children,  it  was  recognised  by  the  express  declara 
tion  of  God  himself.  Mr.  Borthwick  then  alluded  to  some 
of  the  other  evils  quoted  by  Mr.  Thompson,  and  repealed 
many  of  his  former  arguments  in  refutation  of  these.  He 
then,  before  proceeding  further,  read  to  the  meeting  a 
letter  he  had  received  that  afternoon  from  Mr.  Win.  Smith, 
in  reference  to  an  anecdote  quoted  by  Mr.  Thompson  the 


REJOINDER.  127 

evening  before,  from  the  Christian  Record,  respecting  the 
punishment  of  five  negroes  for  trespassing  and  plucking 
grass  upon  the  estate  of  a  Mr.  Wildman.  Mr.  Smith  stat 
ed  that  his  father  was  the  magistrate  before  whom  the  ne 
groes  were  examined,  and  that  no  proof  was  adduced 
that  the  mistress  of  the  slaves  had  participated  in  their  of 
fence, by  directing  the  mto  commit  the  trespass.  Lord  Gode- 
rich  had  directed,  through  Lord  Belmore,  that  an  investi 
gation  into  the  circumstances  of"  the  case  should  take  place, 
when  Mrs.  Clarke,  the  owner  of  the  slaves  was  fully  exon 
erated  from  any  blame.  After  commenting  upon  this  let 
ter  Mr.  Bbrthwick  proceeded  to  inform  the  audience,  that 
on  the  evening  of  his  last  lecture  Mr.  John  Cropper,  who 
was  standing  behind  the  boxes,  said  to  the  persons  near 
him — '  Hiss  the  scoundrel  down.'  This  statement  occa 
sioned  the  greatest  sensation  and  uproar  in  the  meeting, 
during  which  Mr.  Adam  Hodgson  got  upon  the  table  and 
attempted  to  address  the  audience.  He  was  strongly  op 
posed,  however,  particularly  by  the  gentlemen  who  were 
placed  upon  the  stage;  and  finding  it  impossible  to  be 
heard,  he  again  resumed  his  seat.  Mr.  Hodgson  afterwards 
made  a  second  attempt  to  be  heard,  and  mounted  the  table 
for  that  purpose,  but  was  again  compelled  to  descend  with 
out  effecting  his  purpose.  Mr.  Borthwick,  however,  ulti 
mately  succeed  in  obtaining  for  him  a  hearing. 

Mr.  HODGSON  having  a  third  time  ascended  the  table 
said  that  he  had  too  much  respect  both  for  the  meeting 
and  for  the  chairman  to  have  taken  a  place  upon  the  table 
without  his  permission.  He  wished  the  gentlemen  on  the 
stage  behind  him  to  know  this  fact.  (Hear.)  He  did  not 
stand  there  to  disavow  the  fact  just  stated  by  the  gentle 
man,  or  to  extenuate  that  fact.  It  was  an  error,  a  very 
great  error — an  error  so  great,  that  had  he,  as  chairman, 
heard  Mr.  Cropper  utter  these  words,  he  would  have  felt 
it  his  duty  to  send  an  officer  to  take  Mr.  Cropper  under 
his  charge.  (Hear.)  He  then  read  a  communication 
which  Mr.  Cropper  had  addressed  to  him  in  the  expecta 
tion  that  the  subject  might  be  publicly  alluded  to  that  even 
ing,  and  which  was  nearly  to  the  following  effect : 

'  I  exceedingly  regret  that  from  a  want  of  self-control,  and  from  a  momen 
tary  impulse  of  feeling,  I  gave  utterance  to  a  very  unjustifiable  expression  of 
feeling  for  which  I  am  to  blame.  I  made  the  very  earliest  apology  to  Charles 


128  MR.  BORTH WICK'S 

Ilorsfall,  and  as  it  was  made  in  thy  presence,  and  to  thy  satisfaction,  I 
shall  ieel  obliged  by  thy  communicating  the  same  to  the  meeting.  I  am  thine 
truly.  JOHN  CROPPER. 

[We  understand  that  the  occasion  on  which  Mr.  Crop 
per  inadvertently  gave  utterance  to  his  feelings,  was  that  on 
which  Mr.  Borthvvick  charged  the  Baptist  missionaries 
with  having  instigated  the  slaves  to  rehellion.] 

Mr.  HORSFALL  briefly  stated  that  Mr.  Cropper  did  call 
on  him  on  the  following  morning,  and  made  an  apology  in 
the  way  he  had  described. 

Mr.  BORTHWICK  then  resumed  his  lecture,  and  in  allusion 
to  the  alleged  cowardice  and  meanness  of  slavery,  observed 
that  this  would  form  a  good  argument  against  the  slave 
trade,  but  had  no  force  in  reference  to  the  present  condi 
tion  of  British  Colonial  Slavery.  The  word  cowardice 
reminded  him  of  the  circumstance  of  Mr.  Thompson  de 
clining  to  lecture  before  a  chairman,  whose  name  was  a 
synonyme  for  all  that  was  noble  in  the  character  of  a  Brit 
ish  merchant,  and  honorable  in  that  of  a  British  gentleman. 
But  before  such  a  gentleman,  because  he  was  connected 
with  the  West  Indian  Association — Mr.  THOMPSON  (in  a 
loud  voice)  'Read  the  letter'  (cries  of 'shame' — 'turn 
him  out' — '  throw  him  over' — '  break  his  neck' — and  great 
uproar,  in  which  many  of  the  gentlemen  on  the  stage  heart 
ily  joined.  [We  observed  a  number  of  young  lads  who 
formed  the  back  row  of  the  stage  to  be  particularly  vocif 
erous.] 

When  order  had  been  partially  restored,  which  was  not 
until  the  lapse  of  some  time,  the  CHAIRMAN  addressing  Mr. 
Thompson  said,  he  must  be  well  aware  of  the  improprie 
ty  of  his  conduct  ;  he  must  be  well  aware  of  the  effect  of 
the  example  he  had  set ;  he  trusted  there  would  be  no  more 
interruption  ;  but  if  there  was,  either  Mr.  Thompson  or 
any  one  who  occasioned  it,  should  be  taken  out  of  the 
house.  (Prodigious  uproar.) 

Mr.  THOMPSON  immediately  rose  from  his  seat  which  he 
occupied  in  the  front  of  one  o/ the  side  boxes,  and  waving 
an  adieu  to  the  audience,  retired  from  the  house.  The 
friends  who  surrounded  him  at  the  same  time  rose,  and  sev 
eral  of  them  accompanied  him  out  of  the  box. 

Mr.  BORTHWICK  then  re-mounted  the  table  and  attempt 
ed  to  address  the  house,  but  it  was  some  time  before  he 
could  obtain  a  hearing,  so  great  was  the  sensation  produ- 


REJOINDER.  129 

ced  by  the  occurrences  which  had  taken  place,  and  the 
indignation  felt  by  the  friends  of  Mr.  Thompson,  at  the 
cause  which  had  led  to  his  retirement  or  expulsion  from  the 
house.  By  the  exertions  of  Mr.  Edward  Cropper,  however, 
and  the  other  gentlemen  in  Mr.  Thompson's  box,  Mr. 
Borthwick,  at  length,  obtained  a  hearing.  He  said  that 
although  Mr.  Thompson  had  made  allusions  to  him  more 
difficult  to  be  borne,  than  any  he  had  used  in  return,  he 
had  offered  no  interruption.  Was  it  then  consistent  with 
decency  that  he  should  be  so  interrupted.  Mr.  B.  then 
replied  to  Mr.  Thompson  on  the  evils  of  the  depopulation 
of  the  colonies,  arid  the  licentiousness  which  prevailed. 
He  also  contended  that  Mr.  Thompson  had  given  no  re 
ply. to  his  theological  arguments.  Mr.  Thompson  had  giv 
en  some  imitations  of  his  voice  and  manner.  He  confessed 
he  had  not  so  much  stage  trick  as  Mr.  Thompson;  that 
he  did  not  wipe  his  brow  or  perspire  so  much.  (Uproar.) 
After  a  variety  of  other  observations,  during  the  delivery  of 
\yhich  a  good  deal  of  interruption  took  plac?,  Mr.  Borth- 
vvick  alluded  to  the  state  of  Hayti,  and  invited  Mr.  Frank 
lin,  a  gentleman  who  had  resided  in  that  island,  to  des 
cribe  its  present  condition. 

Mr.  FRANKLIN  then'  mounted  the  table  and  after  stamp 
ing  his  foot  several  times,  said  he  was  glad  to  find  that  the 
table  was  firm  ;  at  which  he  was  not  surprised,  since  the 
Castor  and  Pollux  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Society  had  been  on 
it  last  evening.  Mr.  Franklin  then  gave  some  statistical 
details  respecting  Hayti  for  the  purpose  of  showing  that  its 
inhabitants  were  sunk  in  indolence,  and  that  the  amount 
of  its  exports  and  imports  had  vastly  decreased. 

Mr.  Borthwick  then  resumed  his  place  on  the  table,  and 
was  received  with  great  cheering  mingled  with  a  few  hiss 
es.  He  observed  that  he  had  now  proved  from  the  testimo 
ny  of  a  gentleman  who  had  resided  on  the  island  of  St.  Do 
mingo,  that  the  free, — ay, .the  FRKE  laborers  of  St.  Domin 
go,  were  forced  to  labor  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet !  Which 
of  the  two  did  they  prefer  ?  (Cheers  arid  hisses.)  Oh,  but 
they  werefrec  and  happy!  What!  free  and  happy  under 
such  treatment  ?  Were  there  any  such  things  in  the  West 
Indies  ?  ('  Ay,  and  worse.'  '  No,  no.'  Cheers  and  disap 
probation.)  He  had  promised  before  sitting  down  to  give 
place  to  his  friend  Mr.  Franklin  to  say  a  few  words  to 


130  MR.  BORTHWICK'S 

them  about  interest;  he  would  now  do  so.  What  would  be 
the  consequence  if  West  Indian  sugar  and  other  articles 
of  tropical  produce,  could  not  be  brought  into  the  market; 
and  it  had  been  shown  that  it  could  riot  be  brought  into 
the  market  by  free  labor  ; — a  point  which  was  perfectly 
indisputable  in  the  present  condition  of  the  negro  mind. 
What  if  British  colonial  slavery  was  done  away  with,  and 
the  colonies  thereby  reduced  to  the  same  condition  as  St. 
Domingo!  Why,  that  sugar  would  not  be  grown,  in  those 
colonies  any  more  than  in  St.  Domingo,  and  what  must 
be  substituted  for  it  ?  Why  East  India  sugar  to  be  sure. 
[Cheers.]  Now  was  it  not  well  known  that  the  opposite 
party  were  deeply  interested  in  East  India  produce? 
[Great  cheering  and  clapping  of  hands.]  He  had  got  them, 
then,  completely  on  the  hip.  [Cheers  and  hisses.]  How 
then  was  the  article  cultivated  in  the  East  Indies?  By 
free  labor  it  was  said,  but  he  would  show  that  the  lower 
classes  in  the  East  Indies  were  in  an  infinitely  worse  con 
dition  thnn  the  slaves  in  the  West  Indies.  Mr.  Borthvvick 
then  read  an  extract  from  the  Gentoo  Code,  declaring  the 
punishment  of  cattle  stealing  to  be  death  in  time  of  war, 
and  maiming  in  time  of  peace, — for  reading  the  Shaster, 
by  certain  of  the  lower  castecs, — to  be  pouring  molten  lead 
into  the  ears  of  the  offenders, — whilst  by  the  same  code 
the  punishment  for  stealing  a  man  of  low  caste,  was  only 
a  fine  of  thirty-two  shillings.  [Cheers.]  Mr.  Borthwick 
then  read  a  pnssage  from  the  work  of  Sir  Wm.  Jones,  the 
eminent  orientalist,  giving  a  shocking  account  of  domes 
tic  slavery,  as  it  exists  in  Madras  and  quoted  similar  pas 
sages  from  Dr.  Buchanan  and  other  writers  of  acknow 
ledged  authority,  relative  to  the  abject  condition  of  the 
lower  castes  in  Hiudostan,  and  the  arbitrary  and  cruel 
treatment  to  which  they  were  subjected.  So  much  for 
free  labor  sugar, — the  disinterestedness  of  the  Anti-Slavery 
Society!  and  the  humanity  of  the  twenty-four  ladies  of 
Clapham,  who  would  not  use  West  Indian  sugar,  because, 
forsooth,  it  was  grown  by  slaves.  [Immense  cheering.] 
This  affected  humanity  reminded  him  of  an  anecdote  which 
he  would  relate  to  the  meeting:  A  Polish  Jew  riding 
through  a  forest,  on  a  fine  horse,  was  met  by  a  Cossack, 
who  dismounted  him,  and  took  possession  of  the  horse. 
The  Jew  complained  of  the  theft  before  a  magistrate,  but 
the  Cossack  denied  having  stolen  the  horse,  and  said  that 


REJOINDER.  131 

he  had   found  it  in  the   forest ;  '  Found  it,'  exclaimed  the 
Jew,  '  why,  was  not  I  upon  its  back  T  '  Why,  yes,'  said  the 
Cossack,  '  I  found  you  too, — but  was  in  no  want  of  a  Jew, 
so  I  left  you  and  kept  the  horse.'     [Laughter  and  cheers. 
'  Go  it,  my  little  'un.     Well    done,  my  little  un.']     Mr. 
Thompson  had  said  that  the  5th   clause   of  the   Jamaica 
Slave  Code,  relative  to  the  separation  of  families,  was  the 
climax  of  West  India   legislation    in    favor  of  the  slaves, 
that  this  was  the  kindest  thing  done  for  the  slaves  by  West 
India  legislators  ; — now  they  should  see    what  truth  there 
was  in  the   assertion.     What  did  the  law  of  the  Bahamas 
say  on  this  subject  1     Why  it  expressly  declared  the  separ 
ation, — child  or  children,  under   14  years  of  age,    to  be 
illegal, — any  sale,  either  judicial  or  private, — under   such 
circumstances,  to  be  null  and  void,— and  forbidding  execu 
tors  to  execute  any  legacy  to  that  effect,  under  a  penalty 
of  e^lOO  per  each  offence.     Mr.   Borthwich  read   similar 
enactments  from  the  slave  codes  of  Granada,  Nevis,  To 
bago  and  Dominica, —  the  latter  of  which,  passed  in  1829, 
not  only  prohibited  the  separation  of  families, — but  enact 
ed  that  the  slaves  should  not  be  removed  from  the  estate  to 
which  they  belonged.     What  then   became  of  the  truth  of 
Mr.  Thompson's  assertion  that  the  5th  clause  of  the  Jamai 
ca  slave  code  was  the  demon  of  West  Indian   humanity. 
A  good  deal  had  been  said  of  Mr.    Jeremy, — the   dear, — 
delightful  Jeremy, — and  the  island  of  St.  Lucia.     But  St. 
Lucia  was  a  French  colony  ; — it  had  only  been  recently  in 
possesion  of  Great  Britain  when  Mr.  Jeremy  went  out  as 
Lord    Chief  Justice.     There  was  hardly  a  person  on   the 
island  who    could  speak    the   English  language,    and  the 
laws   which  Mr.  Jeremy  sought   to  amend,  were  French 
laws,- — not  those  of  Great  Britain, — or  of  the  British  West 
Indian  colonies.     Because  the  French  were  cruel    to   the 
slaves, — what  was  that  to  the  great  body  of  the  West  Indian 
colonies  ?     Even    in  St.  Lucia,  things  were  growing  bet 
ter, — but  what  proportion  did  St.  Lucia  bear  to  the  rest  of 
the  West  Indian  colonies?     Its   population   was  only  13,- 
661,  not   one  sixtieth  part    of  the    West  Indian  colonies. 
Mr.   Borthwick  then  referred  to  the  authority  of  Mr.  Book 
er,  now  resident  in  Liverpool,  to  show  that  the  missionary 
Smith,  about  whose  death  in  Demerara  so  much  had  been 
said, — had  been  ill  of  a  consumption  long  before  the  break- 


132  MR.  BORTHWICK'S 

_. 

ing  out  of  the  rebellion,  and  that  his  death  was  in  iio  de* 
gree  accelerated  by  his  imprisonment.  Mr.  Thompson 
had  complained  that  during  the  insurrection  in  Jamaica, 
the  judge  had  sat  with  his  head  hidden  in  his  hand,  and 
simply  asked  whether  the  slaves  brought  in  were  taken  with 
arms  in  their  hands — and  if  answered  in  the  affirmative, 
ordered  them  out  to  immediate  execution.  But  did  not  Mr. 
Thompson  know  the  nature  of  the  rebellion  that  was  then 
raging  in  the  island  ?  That  the  wives  and  daughters  of 
the  families  were  subjected  to  the  most  horrible  atrocities  ? 
Mr.  Thompson  had  given  a  beautiful  description  of  the 
wretched  inmates  of  a  lunatic  asylum, — but  would  Mr. 
Thompson  in  his  tender  mercy,  give  them  immediate  em 
ancipation,- — would  he  turn  them  adrift? — ('No,  no,' — 
cheers  and  hisses.)  If  not, — why  then  Mr.  Thompson 
would  keep  them  in  salutary  confinement,  and  that  was 
exactly  what  he  (Mr.  Borlhwick)  said  of  the  slaves.  It 
would  be  the  greatest  possible  unkindness  to  give  immedi 
ate  freedom  to  the  slaves-  for  if  they  were  so  liberated, 
they  would  be  exposed  to  the  villany  and  deceit  of  every 
one  whom  they  met  with.  (Hisses  and  cheers.)  The 
slaves  were  now  provided  for, — and  how  did  Mr.  Thomp 
son  mean  to  compensate  them  for  depriving  them  of  the 
comforts  they  now  enjoyed?  (Cries  of  '  give  them  free 
dom — cheers  and  hisses.)  Freedom, — ay, — they  heard 
much  of  freedom.  (A  burst  of  disapprobation  followed 
by  cheers.)  They  were  told  that  freedom  would  make  up 
for  every  thing  ; — what  was  freedom? — Was  it  to  be  coerc 
ed  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet  ?  (Hisses  and  cheers.) 
Let  the  anti-slavery  society  show  that  the  liberated  negroes 
in  St.  Domingo  were  happier  or  better  in  consequence  of 
their  freedom,  or  that  there  was  no  slavery  in  the  East 
Indies — and  they  would  do  something  for  their  cause — 
but  until  they  did  so,  they  had  better  be  silent.  He  had 
now  noticed  more, — a  great  deal  more  in  Mr.  Thompson's 
lecture  than  wa§  even  in  the  shape  of  argument.  lie  had 
not  contradicted  Mr.  Thompson  in  the  course  of  his  lec 
ture; — but  Mr.  Thompson  and  his  friends  had  interrupted 
him  repeatedly  in  the  course  of  his,  and  every  such  inter 
ruption,  he  (Mr.  Borthwick)  regarded  as  an  admission  of  the 
weakness  of  their  cause.  (Cheers  and  disapprobation.) 
Mr.  Borthwick  then  read  an  extract  from  a  letter  written 


REJOINDER.  133 

by  the  late  Mr.  Huskisson,  stating  that  the  history    of  the 
world  did  not  present  an  instance  of  such  rapid   improve 
ment,  as  that  exhibited  by  the  West  India  colonies.     (Cries 
of  «  Oh  !  oil !'  and  much  laughter  and  cheering.)     He  then 
again  accused  his   opponent  of  unfairness  and  ungentle- 
manly  conduct,  and  asked  the  meeting  what  they  thought 
of  the  constant  interruptions  he  had  experienced,  the  pro 
priety  of  Mr.  Thompson's  putting  the  question  to  a  show  of 
hands,  and  of  a  chairman,  who,  when  such    question  was 
put,  held  up  both  his  hands  in  support  of  it.     (Cheers  and 
hisses.)     It  had  been  shown  that  free  habor  was   not  prac 
ticable  in  the   West   Indies  ; — it  had  also  been  shown  by 
sufficient  testimony  that  it  was  inconsistent  with  the  con 
dition  of  things  in  the  East  Indies  in  the  present  condition 
of  the  human  mind,   that  free    labor  should  produce  the 
tropical  fruits  of  the  earth.     Would  they  throw  away  colo 
nies  which  produced  seven  millions  annually  to  the  reven 
ue  in  direct  taxation  ?     Would  they  refuse  all  intercourse 
with  the  planters  who  took   their  goods  at  a  rate   of  from 
55   to   60  per  cent,   dearer,  than  they    could    get   them 
elsewhere?     ('Oh!  oh!')     How  did   it  happen   that  the 
Anti-Slavery  Society,  who  were  such  friends  to  morality, 
religion,  and  humanity,  exulted  in  the  late  rebellion,  dur 
ing  which  such  atrocities  had  been  committed  ?     (Cheers 
and  hisses.)     Why   did   they    compare  the   rebels   to  the 
Bolivars,  the  Brutuses,  and  the  Napoleons,  (laughter)  and 
the  Tells  ?     The  opposite  party    had  opposed   nothing  to 
his  arguments  but   ridicule  and    clamor,  and   every  inter 
ruption  was  a  proof  that  their  cause  was  beaten.     (Cheers 
and  hisses.)     Mr.  Thompson  had  said  in  reference  to  the 
report  of  the  Wesley  an  Missionaries  of  Jamaica,   that  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Young   had    repudiated    that  report,    but    Mr. 
Young  had  affixed  his  name  to  it,  and  if  he  said  one  thing 
in  Jamaica  and  another  in  London,  that  was  sufficient  to 
prove  what  credit  was  due  to  Mr.  Young.      Mr.  Borthwick 
then  admitted  that  the    burning  of  the   Baptist  chapels  in 
Jamaica  was  very  wrong,  and  could  not  be  justified,  but 
excused  it  on  the  ground  of  momentary  irritation,  excited 
by  the  universal  belief  that  the   Baptists   had    been  chiefly 
instrumental    in    the   rebellion.       He  then    accused    Mr. 
Thompson  of  impiety  in  mixing  up  passages    of  Scripture 
with  quotations  from  Byron  and  Shakspeare,  and  in  hken- 

12 


134  MR.  BORTHWICK'S  REJOINDER. 

ing  himself  to  the  Messiah,  when  he  offered  to  take  upon 
himself  all  the  guilt  of  England  from  the  time  of  Elizabeth 
down  to  the  present  day  ;  and  concluded  by  challenging 
Mr.  Thompson,  or  any  agent  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Society, 
to  a  public  discussion, — each  speaker  half  an  hour  at  a 
time,  the  question  to  be  decided  by  the  audience  at  the 
conclusion  of  the  debate,  and  all  the  expenses  to  be  de 
frayed  by  the  West  Indian  body. 

Mr.  BORTHWICK  concluded  his  lecture  at  half-past  ten 
o'clock,  and  the  meeting  separated  soon  afterwards,  hav 
ing  previously  attempted  to  raise  cheers  for  Mr.  Ewart, 
Lord  Sandon,  and  other  individuals. 


(  135  ) 


MR.  THOMPSON'S  THIRD  LECTURE. 

Extracts  from  Mr.  Thompson's  third  Lecture  in  reply 
to  Mr.  JEtorthwick. 

On  Thursday  evening,  September  6,  Mr.  G.  THOMPSON 
delivered  his  third  lecture  on  the  Evils  of  Colonial  Slavery, 
in  the  Amphitheatre,  Liverpool,  to  an  audience  as  numer 
ous  and  respectable  as  that  on  any  previous  evening,  at 
half-past  six  o'clock. 

S^MTTTTT.  HOPE,  Esq.,  took  the  chair,  and  exhorted  the 
meeting  to  give  their  paiiem,  v,anJM.  and  silent  attention. 
As  an  additional  motive  for  their  indulgence  towards  Mr. 
Thompson,  he  stated  that  that  gentleman  had  been  labor 
ing  for  some  time  under  severe  indisposition,  not  unattend 
ed  with  alarming  symptoms,  a  fact  which  he  (the  chair 
man)  stated  on  his  own  responsibility,  not  having  consult 
ed  with  Mr.  Thompson  himself  on  the  subject. 

Mr.  THOMPSON  then  rose,  and  was  received  with  much 
applause.  He  spoke  to  the  following  effect, — Ladies  and 
Gentlemen, — in  appearing  once  more  before  you  on  the 
present  occasion,  I  beg  to  announce  that  I  have  determin 
ed  on  the  adoption  of  a  line  of  conduct  to-night,  which  I 
trust  will  be  at  once  as  agreeable  to  you,  and  equally  cred 
itable  to  myself,  as  that  which  I  adopted  when  I  had  last 
the  honor  of  appearing  before  you.  I  have  thought  since 
that  night,  that  it  is  not  justice  to  the  injured  negro,  whose 
cause  I  have  the  honor  to  plead, — that  it  is  not  just  to  the 
various  and  momentous  topics  involved  in  the  considera 
tion  of  the  question  now  before  us, — that  it  is  not  just  to  SO 
large  nnd  intelligent  an  auditory  as  that  now  before  me,  or 
those  which  I  have  had  the  honor  of  seeing  before  me  on 
former  occasions, — nor  is  it  just  to  myself,  constantly  to 
discuss  this  question  in  reference  to  particular  individuals 
who  may  from  time  to  time  stand  forward  as  advocates  of 
other  views  than  those  which  I  felt  it  my  conscientious 
duty  to  adopt.  I,  therefore,  shall  to-night,  with  your  kind 
permission,  leave  out  of  sight  both  myself  and  the  gentle* 


136  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

man  who  on  two  several  occasions,  has  advocated  the  other 
side  of  the  question,  and  come  at  once  to  the  discussion 
of  those  topics  which  I  think  of  deeper  interest  and 
higher  moment  than  any  thing  that  can  concern  me,  a 
humble  individual,  or  any  thing  that  can  possibly  affect 
the  gentleman  who  appears  on  the  other  side.  (Applause.) 
However,  Ladies  and  Gentlemen,  hefore  I  come  to  that 
line  of  argument,  which  I  have  marked  out  for  myself  to 
night,  I  shall  just  glance  at  one  or  two  statements,  made 
on  Friday  night,  for  the  purpose  of  clearing  the  way  before 
us.  It  was  then  stated  that  we  ought  to  leave  this  great 
question  to  the  Committees  of  the  House  of  Lords  and 
the  House  of  Commons,  whose  reports  are  not  yet  before 
the  public.  Now  I  humbly  submit  that  we  have  had  quite 
enough  experience  of  the  efficiency  of  rpprvrto  c-«-nt  forth 
by  the  House  r»f  fWimuns,  and  by  the  House  of  Lords  ; 
quite  enough  of  such  committees.  Parliamentary  speech 
es  and  reports,  and  their  efficiency,  call  upon  us  most  im 
peratively  not  to  waste  a  moment,  either  whilst  the  commit 
tees  are  sitting,  or  the  reports  printing  and  circulating, 
knowing  that  the  great  measure  of  emancipation  has  never 
been  advanced  a  single  step  by  any  thing  like  a  voluntary 
movement  of  Parliament,  but  always  in  obedience  to  the 
impulse  of  public  opinion.  (Hear,  hear.)  We  have  had 
quite  sufficient  experience  to  guide  us  on  the  present  oc 
casion,  without  any  such  delay  ;  with  volumes  upon  vo 
lumes  before  us,  touching  the  character  and  operations  of 
slavery,  why  should  we  waste  a  single  moment  till  these 
reports  are  laid  before  the  British  public  7  [Applause.] 
Surely  it  will  not  be  contended,  even  by  the  most  zealous 
supporter  of  slavery,  that  we  have  yet  to  learn  what  slavery 
is?  On  the  showing  of  my  friend  himself,  we  can  learn  the 
ancient  history  of  slavery  from  the  Scriptures  ;  we  can 
learn  the  modern  history  of  s-lavery  from  every  one  who  has 
been  in  the  West  Indies  ;  and  yet,  with  this  accumulation 
of  evidence  from  past  and  present  ages,  we  are  called  upon 
to  delay  expressing  our  opinion  on  the  subject,  until  the 
House  of  Commons  and  the  House  of  Lords  have  put  us 
in  possession  of  fresh  information  !  We  shall  be  glad  to  add 
that  to  our  stock  of  information  ;  but  surely  we  are  not  to 
wait  till  that  information  is  laid  before  us.  [Applause.]  I 
beg  to  make  another  remark  in  reference  to  an  illustration; 


THIRD  LECTURE.  137 

which  was  given  of  the  possibility  of  a  negro  infant,  rising 
from  the  condition  in  which  he  was  born  to  fill  one  of  the 
highest  stations  in  the  colonies.  That  illustration  was, 
that  a  slave  in  the  colony  of  Demerara  eventually  became 
a  member  of  the  House  of  Assembly  in  that  island.  I  beg 
to  remind  Mr.  Borthwick,  (though  I  am  sure  it  was  an 
unintentional  mistake  on  his  part,)  that  there  is  no  House 
of  Assembly  in  Demerara;  he  might,  however,  have  be 
come  a  member  of  the  Council  ;  it  is  true  that  that  gen 
tlemen  was  the  child  of  a  slave  mother,  but  who  was  the 
known  and  avowed  parent  of  that  child  1  A  West  India 
planter,  a  gentleman  residing  in  that  colony,  who,  happen 
ing  to  adopt  a  line  of  conduct  which  I  wish  every  planter 
under  similar  circumstances  would  adopt,  acknowledged 
his  son,  brought  him  up  as  such,  and  raised  him  to  the  same 
rank  in  society  which  he  himself  held.  (Hear,  hear.) 
It  was  only  in  consequence  of  that  father  being  a  freeman 
that  the  child  of  a  slave  raised  himself  to  that  eminence, 
which  is  so  boldly  adduced,  by  the  gentleman  on  the  other 
side,  to  prove  that  there  is  nothing  in  slavery  which  dooms 
the  child  of  a  slave  to  interminable  bondage.  (Cheers.) 

I  shall  not  attempt  to  reply  to  the  comparison  which  the 
gentleman  drew  between  me  and  a  certain  notorious  indi 
vidual,  who,  when  he  came  among  the  sons  of  God,  and 
was  asked  whence  he  came,  said,  '  From  going  to  and  fro 
in  the  earth,  and  from  walking  up  and  down  in  it.'  I  may 
so  far  resemble  that  personage  that  I  have  come  here  from 
walking  up  and  down  upon  the  earth  ;  but  unless  that  gen 
tleman  can  show  that  our  objects  are  similar,  I  do  not 
think  the  comparison  will  serve  his  purpose.  (Laughter 
and  applause  ) 

One  word  in  behalf  of  the  missionary  Smith.  I  learn 
ed  from  the  report  published  in  the  \Chronicle,  (for  I  was 
not  there  myself,)  that  Mr.  Borthwick  said  that  the  death 
of  the  missionary  Smith  was  in  no  way  accelerated  by  the 
treatment  to  which  he  had  been  subjected  in  the  colony  of 
Demerara.  I  hold  in  my  hand  the  substance  of  two  debates 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  on  the  1st  and  llth  of  June, 
]S24,on  a  motion  submitted  by  Mr.  (now  Lord)  Brougham 
on  the  subject  of  the  Rev.  John  Smith,  late  missionary 
in  Demerara.  I  be^  to  refer  to  page  8  of  the  substance  of 
12* 


138  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

the  debate  in  Parliament.     Mr.  Brougham,  in  the  course  of 
opening  the  subject,  said, 

*  It  appears  that  Mr.  Smith  officiated  in  the  colony  of  Dcmerara  for  seven 
years.  He  had  maintainerWuring  his  whole  life  a  character  of  the  most  un 
impeachable  moral  purity,  which  had  won  not  alone  the  love  and  veneration 
of  his  own  immediate  flock,  hut  had  procured  him  the  respect  and  consider 
ation  of  almost  all  who  resided  in  his  neighborhood.  Indeed,  there  was  not 
a  duty  of  his  ministry  that  he  had  not  discharged  with  fidelity  and  zeal. 
Thanh??  was  his  character  i»  evident  even  from  the  papers  laid  upon  the 
table  of  that  House.  These  documents,  however,  disclose  but  a  part  of  the 
truth  on  this  point.  Before  I  sit  down  I  ehall  have  occasion  to  advert  to 
other  sources,  which  show  that  the  character  of  Mr.  Smith  was  such  as  I 
have  described  it ;  and  that  those  who  were  best  qualified  to  form  an  opinion, 
had  borne  the  highest  testimony  to  his  virtuous  and  meritorious  labors.  Yet 
this  Christian  Minister,  thus  usefully  employed,  was  dragged  from  his  house, 
three  days  after  the  revolt  began,  and  when  "it  had  been  substantially  quelled, 
with  an  indecent  haste  (hat  allowed  not  the  accommodation  even  of  those 
clothes  which,  in  all  climates,  are  necessary  to  human  comfort,  but  which, 
in  a  tropical  climate,  were  absolutely  essential  to  health.  He  was  dragged 
too  from  his  home  and  his  family,  at  a  time  when  his  life  was  attacked  by  a  dis 
ease  which,  in  all  probability,  would,  in  any  circumstances,  have  ended  in  hi* 
dissolution  but  \\hich  the  treatment  he  then  received  powerfully  assisted  in  its 
fatal  progress,  lie  was  first  imprisoned,  in  that  sultry  climate,  in  an  nnti'htJo 
gome  fetid  room,  exposed  to  the  heat  of  tun  This  situation  was  afterwards 
changed,  and  he  was  conveyed  to  a  place  only  suited  to  the  purposes  of  tor 
ture,  a  kind  of  damp  dungeon,  where  the  floor  was  over  stagnant  water,  visi 
ble  through  the  wide  crevices  of  the  boanls.' 

If  we  are  told  that  Mr.  Smith  was  laboring  under  a  con 
sumption,  that  only  makes  the  matter  worse  for  those  who, 
seeing  him  in  such  a  state,  dragged  him  from  his  home 
without  even  a  change  of  clothes,  so  necessary  in  that  sultry 
climate;  it  is  only  the  worse  for  those  who  plunged  a  man  in 
the  last  stage  of  consumption,  first  into  an  uncovered  room, 
and  then  confined  1iim  in  a  place  where  the  atmosphere 
was  perfectly  impure  ;  where  filth  and  stagnant  water  were 
seen  through  the  boards  of  the  floor.  (Hear,  hear.)  Let 
it  not  be  said  that  Mr.  Smith  was  hale  and  strong, —  let 
it  not  be  said  that  he  was  a  healthy  man  when  he  went 
into  prison,  and  was  really  killed  by  the  treatment  he  re 
ceived  there ;  let  us  acknowledge  that  he  was  under  (he 
influence  of  a  wasting  consumption  at  the  time  ;  and  then 
in  what  light  do  the  authorities  of  Demerara  appear  when 
they  plunge  a  man,  whose  guilt  is  not  yet  established,  into 
a  place  so  likely  to  accelerate  denth, — a  place  so  unfit  for 
his  accommodation,  if  the  hand  of  disease  were  already 
upon  4iim  1  Fcr  a  period  of  five  or  six  months  was  this  ho 
ly  man  confined  in  a  noisome  prison,  and  then  he  was 


THIRD  LECTURE.  139 

manumitted.  He  left  oppression  and  cruelty  in  Demerara, 
for  that  land  of  liberty,  life,  and  love,  where  he  is  now  en 
joying  that  beatific  vision  of  which  the  authorities  in  Dem 
erara  and  in  the  other  colonies  would  deprive  those  who 
are  now  being  taught  the  way  of  life  and  salvation.  %  ' 

Another  word  with  regard  to  Hayti.  I  do  not  know  why  it 
is  that  Hayti  is  for  ever  brought  upon  the  tapis  to  scare  the 
English  nation  from  doing  their  duty  towards  the  slaves  in 
the  British  colonies.  Why  is  Hayti  thus  .spoken  of  1  I  had 
the  honor  to  introduce  before  you,  on  Thursday  evening,  a 
gentleman  who  had  resided  for  twelve  years  in  the  Island 
of  St.  Domingo,  who  declared  the  peasantry  of  that  island 
to  be  the  happiest  he  had  ever  met  with,  and  that  gentleman 
has  travelled  much,  both  in  Europe  and  America,  and 
who  told  you  it  was  utterly  false  that  the  negroes  were 
made  to  cultivate  the  soil  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet. 
On  the  face  of  it,  this  mode  of  coercion  appears  to  be 
perfectly  impossible.  Will  any  body  on  the  other  side 
describe  to  us  the  amount  of  the  discipline  inflicted  on  the 
negroes  in  St.  Domingo,  as  we  can  describe  the  discipline 
on  cane  pieces  in  the  West  India  colonies?  It  is  easy  to 
imagine  a  gang  of  thirty  slaves  on  every  such  cane  piece, — 
men,  women,  and  children,  under  the  management  of  the 
athletic  driver,  leading  them  on  to  labor  by  the  cruel  whip, 
— stimulating  their  languid  frames  by  the  whip,  and  sup 
plying  motives  to  the  rnind  by  torturing  the  body  ;  but 
here,  in  St.  Domingo,  there  are  a  thousand  motives  for 
exertion  free  from  personal  coercion,  and  I  am  sure  no  one 
can  point  out  how  a  mode  of  discipline  like  that  general 
ly  spoken  of  by  the  opposite  pnrty,  as  existing  in  St.  Do 
mingo,  can  be  maintained.  How  can  men  be  kept  to  labor 
by  the  point  of  the  bayonet  ?  The  gentleman  who  address 
ed  you  lived  for  twelve  years  on  the  island  ;  he  travelled 
over  its  length  and  its  breadth,  again  and  again  ;  he  has  gone 
from  one  end  of  it  to  the  other,  with  mules  laden  with  trea 
sure,  and  slept,  night  after  night,  in  open  places,  and  nev 
er  met  with  the  slightest  molestation  ;  he  had  been  present 
at  all  descriptions  of  labor,  and  he  never  saw  any  thing 
like  coercion  used  to  obtain  the  products  of  the  earth. 
Ho  likewise  declares  that  never  was  greater  industry  dis 
played  in  the  world  than  may  be  seen  about  the  docks  and 
quays  of  that  island,  and  this,  too,  in  the  absence  of  all  coer- 


140  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

cive  measures.  He  himself  saved  50  per  cent,  in  wages 
in  one  year  by  introducing  a  graduated  scale  of  task  work, 
instead  of  paying  the  laborers  by  the  day,  as  before  ;  and 
he  declares  that  he  never  saw  men  put  forth  greater  ener 
gies,  or  work  with  more  willingness  than  those  employed  by 
himself  and  other  persons  in  the  island  in  this  manner. 

Now  with  regard  to  East  India  sugar,  and  West  India 
sugar  ;  it  cannot  be  shown  that  the  produce  sold  here,  as 
the  produce  of  free  labor,  is  the  produce  of  slave  labor  ;  it 
cannot  be  shown  that  the  slavery  of  the  East  Indies  bears 
any  resemblance  to  the  slavery  in  the  West  Indies.  It  has 
been  shown,  by  a  gentleman  now  on  this  platform,  that  the 
two  systems  are  not  comparable  in  atrocity,  and  it  is  well 
known  that  the  anti-slavery  \vorld  are  most  willing  to  en 
ter  into  the  details  of  this  part  of  the  subject.  But  even 
if  what  is  called  the  East  India  slavery  were  all  that  it  is 
said  to  be,  will  Mr.  Borthwick  vindicate  the  continuance 
of  slavery  on  that  score?  Will  two  blacks  make  a  white  ? 
two  wrongs  a  right?  Will  our  friends  on  the  other  side 
never  leave  off  palliating  one  crime  by  reference  to  anoth 
er  crime?  (Applause.)  One  word  more  with  regard  to 
Mr.  Jeremie  : — not  one  of  his  facts  has  been  impugned  ; 
it  has  not  been  shown  that  he  has  erred  in  one  single  cir 
cumstance  which  he  has  stated  ;  and  the  only  mode  of  de 
fence,  or  rather  the  only  mode  of  opposition  adopted 
against  those  invaluable  documents,  the  *  Four  Essays  on 
Colonial  Slavery,'  is  the  assertion  that  St.  Lucia  was  a 
French  Colony,  and  that  we  are  not  answerable  for  the 
abominations  and  crimes  committed  on  that  island  which 
but  recently  came  into  our  possession.  But  Mr.  Jeremie 
went  to  St.  Lucia  in  1826,  and  remained  there  till  1829, 
and  that  island  was  ceded  to  us  in  1815,  so  that,  there  was 
quite  sufficent  time  to  introduce  improvements  if  any  had 
been  intended. 

Looking  at  the  line  of  defence  which  has  been  adopted 
on  this  occasion,  I  do  not  admit  that  the  appeals  you  have 
heard  from  Mr.  Borthwick  can  be  called  any  thing  but 
a  defence  of  colonial  slavery.  Let  every  thing,  therefore, 
be  called  by  its  proper  name.  We  are  seeking  to  obtain 
the  emancipation  of  the  negro  ; — how  ? — by  fair  and  man 
ly  means.  On  what  principles? — on  Christian  principles. 
To  whom  do  we  appeal? — to  unpacked  audiences  of  3000 


THIRD    LECTURE.  141 

of  our  countrymen  ;  half  collected  by  the  West  India  body, 
half  by  ourselves.  (Applause.)  We  appeal  to  your  judg 
ments  ;  for  authority  we  appeal  to  the  Scriptures;  for  ar 
gument  and  illustration  to  the  wrongs  and  woes,  the  sighs 
and  groans  of  captives  for  centuries,  of  the  men  and  women 
in  the  colonies,  whose  natural  rights  ever  have  been,  and 
still  are,  as  sacred  as  our  own.  (Loud  applause.)  What  then! 
this  being  our  object,  this  being  our  glorious  goal,  whilst  we 
are  patiently  and  steadily  pressing  on  ward  towards  that  goal, 
who  comes  across  our  path  ?  Men  who  call  themselves  evil 
genii;  men  who  come  to  hunt  the  advocates  of  this  mea 
sure  on  these  principles,  like  an  evil  genius  ;  and  yet  we 
are  called  upon  by  them  to  say,  nud  to ^belie^^,  tkai-tJ*^j-an-Tr- 
working  in  the  same  vine^rd-wTtlT ourselves  ;  that  they  are 
sowing  for  the  same  harvest  with  ourselves  ;  fighting  for 
the  same  glorious  conquest  with  ourselves.  (Applause.) 
If  they  be,  why,  then,  vituperate  us;  why  defame  our  so 
ciety  ;  why  revile  and  desecrate  our  principles?  \vhy  thwart 
our  benevolent  views  ?  If  our  objects  be  one  ;  if  our  wish 
es  be  one,  why  are  we  thwarted  ?  I  say,  to  defend  slavery. 
(Cries  of  '  No,  no/  and  '  Yes,  yes.')  I  repeat  it — to  de 
fend  British  colonial  slavery.  No  other  object  can  those 
have  who  would  resist  or  thwart  measures  which  have  for 
their  object  the  safe,  equitable,  and  righteous  settlement 
of  this  long-debated  question.  (Loud  applause.)  What! 
do  they  fear  lest  we  should  run  too  fast  in  the  race  of  hu 
manity  ?  Do  they  fear  lest  the  system  should  come  to 
the  ground  too  soon  ;  that  the  slave  should  rise  to  the  con 
dition  of  a  free  and  happy  peasant  too  soon  1  Would  they 
wait  till  the  last  Ethiopian  stretched  out  his  hands  to  God, 
before  they  granted  the  boon  of  freedom  ?  Would  they 
have  us  refrain  from  lifting  up  our  voices,  like  the  sound 
of  the  ram's  horn,  before  we  bring  down  the  walls  of  their 
infernal  Jericho,  and  leave  not  a  stone  standing?  (Loud 
applause.)  It  is  declared  that  the  only  difference  between 
us  is,  the  difference  between  to-day  and  to-morrow.  What ! 
all  this  fuss  about  to-day  and  to-morrow, — we  wanting  to 
do  it  to-day  and  they  to-morrow  :  we  wanting  to  do  it  im 
mediately  and  they  gradually  ?  Why,  do  they  not  remem 
ber  that  ours  teas  a  society  to  procure  gradual  emanci 
pation  for  the  negro  ;  that  ours  was  a  society  for  the  grad 
ual  abolition  of  slavery  ?  And  were  they'less  hostile  to 
us  then  than  they  are  now  ?  When  we  were  professing 


142  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

the  very  principles  which  they  now  profess,  did  they  la 
bor  with  us  ?  Did  they  subscribe  to  the  funds  of  our  so- 
society  ?  No  :  they  were  as  hostile  to  us  as  they  are  now  ; 
but  now  the  only  part  of  the  political  machine  which  serv 
ed  their  interests,  being  about  to  be  done  away  with  in  a 
reformed  Parliament,  they  find  it  necessary  to  make  up  the 
deficiency  by  an  active  agency,  like  that  which  I  have  had 
the  pleasure  of  witnessing  in  this  place.  (Applause.) 
They  tell  us  that  they  were  friends  to  the  abolition  of  the 
slave  trade  ;  whence  then  arose  the  necessity  for  the  un 
ceasing  and  protracted  labors  of  aClarkson,  a  Wilberforce, 
and  a  Granville  Sharpe  1  How  was  it  that  when  Granville 
Sharpe,  in  this  very  town,  was  collecting  evidence  on  the 
subject  of  the  slave  iradc,  HP  was  nearly  pushed  from  the 
pier  into  the  sea,  to  be  buried  beneath  the  wuieia?  Why 
was  that  deadly  hostility  continued  up  to  the  very  hour 
that  the  diabolical  traffic  was  destroyed  ?  Those  who  de 
fended  the  slave  trade  then,  are  those  who  defend  slavery 
now;  the  same  class  of  men,  filling  the  same  situations  in 
society,  having  the  same  interest  in  the  system,  and  many 
of  them  identically  the  same  persons.  (Hear,  hear.) 
They  can  now  have  only  one  of  two  motives  in  view  ;  let 
them  take  their  choice.  They  are  either  acting  on  the  mo 
tive  I  have  described,  namely,  a  desire  to  perpetuate  the 
system,  or  they  want  to  come  in  at  the  death  with  us,  and 
share  our  triumph  ;  a  very  dastardly  piece  of  conduct  this. 
(Laughter.)  No  ;  it  shall  not  be  allowed,  unless  they  will 
manfully  say,  '  We  have  been  in  the  wrong,  and  you  are 
in  the  right.'  Let  them  do  this,  and  then  we  will  give 
them  the  right  hand  of  fellowship,  and  walk  onwards  to 
gether  UHtil  the  last  stone  of  this  horrible  fabric  tumbles  to 
the  ground;  but.  while  they  insidiously  profess  to  support 
emancipation, — at  the  same  time  calumniating,  thwarting, 
and  opposing  us, — they  are  the  friends  of  slavery,  and  not 
of  its  abolition.  (Loud  applause.) 

I  am  accused  of  unjustly  and  improperly  interfering  in 
electioneering  matters; — will  the  honorable  gentleman  say 
that  the  interference  of  the  boroughmongers  in  past  times, 
sending  seventy  or  eighty  members  to  the  House  of  Com 
mons,  who  held  their  seats  on  the  simple  condition  of  de 
fending  slavery,  was  just  and  proper?  What!  is  it  im 
proper  in  an  Englishman  to  speak  on  this  subject  before  an 


THIRD  LECTURE.  143 

audience  of  3000  of  his  fellow-countrymen,  in  his  native 
town  ?  What !  is  it  improper  to  appeal  to  their  judgment  as 
to  the  manner  in  which  the  elective  franchise  ought  to  be 
exercised  1  What!  is  it  improper  and  unjust  to  endeavor 
to  inform  their  judgment  when  the  franchise  must  be  ex 
ercised  properly,  in  proportion  as  the  judgment  is  inform 
ed,  and  the  conscience  awakened?  Is  this  any  thing  like 
the  influence  exercised  by  the  boroughmongers?  If  it  is, 
where  is  the  point  of  resemblance?  None;  there  is  no 
resemblance  whatever.  It  is  competent  to  that  man — it 
is  competent  to  me — it  is  competent  to  any  one,  to  express 
an  opinion  on  the  subject ;  you  cannot  prevent  it. 

In  estimating  the  array  of  force  against  us  on  this  ques 
tion,  we  ought  never  to  forget  all  the  family  connexions  of 
the  planters,  their  wives — Heaven  bless  them  !  and  their 
children,  and  their  brothers,  and  uncles,  and  aunts,  and 
all  their  dear  expectant  relatives  and  friends.  We  ought 
not  to  forget  either  the  ladies  or  the  gentlemen,  either  the 
young  or  the  old,  either  the  beautiful  or  the  ugly;  we 
ought  not  to  forget  the  captains,  the  clerks,  and  coopers, 
many  of  whom  can  lend  a  hand  if  necessary,  even  in 
the  Liverpool  Amphitheatre,  for  aiding  the  cause  of  West 
India  slavery.  [Laughter  and  applause.]  Nor  must  we 
forget  the  delightful  stories  told  by  individual  visitors  to  the 
colonies  ;  ladies  and  gentlemen  who  have  absolutely  seen  the 
West  Indies,  sate  in  the  house  of  the  planter,  and  come  home 
to  describe  Jamaica  and  the  other  islands,  as  so  many  Para 
dises,  and  persuade  us  that  the  peasantry  of  our  own  coun 
try  are  far  worse  off  than  the  laboring  population  of  the 
West  Indies.  And  pray,  whom  did  these  ladies  and  gen 
tlemen  go  to  see,  the  planter  or  the  slave  ?  The  planter. — 
At  whose  table  did  they  dine  1  The  planter's  table. — On 
whose  couch  did  they  sleep?  The  planter's  couch. — 
Whose  friends  were  they  ?  The  planter's  friends. — 
Whose  wine  did  they  drink  ?  The  planter's  wine. — With 
whose  daughter  did  they  dance  ?  The  planter's  daughter. 
— On  whose  horse  did  they  ride?  The  planter's  horse. — 
In  whose  ship  did  they  come  home?  The  Liverpool  mer 
chant's  ship.  And  yet  these  gentlemen  who  came  home, 
and  ladies  too — for  ladies  do  sometimes  plead  the  cause  of 
slavery — these  parties  think  themselves  perfectly  qualified 


144  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

to  draw  a  correct  picture  of  slavery  in  the  West  India 
colonies. 

'Nothing  extenuate,  nor  set  do\vn  aught  in  malice.' 

And  then  the  delightful  patronage  of  this  system  ;  pop 
ping  of  people  into  nice  places,  the  appointment  of  gov 
ernors  and  their  dependants,  and  the  very  nice  and  accom 
modating  births  to  be  filled  up,  as  managers,  overseers, 
and  so  forth,  and  so  forth,  all  contribute  to  the  support  of 
the  system.  Another  support  is  the  subornation  of  the 
press,  the  hiring  of  the  press.  It  is  a  notorious  fact, 
known  to  all  the  world,  that  a  great  portion  of  the  press  of 
this  country  is  bribed  to  uphold  the  system  of  colonial  slav 
ery.  [Hisses  and  applause.]  I  say  that  the  press  has  been 
bribed.  I  know  that  the  conductor  of  a  Glasgow  paper 
has  received  many  thousand  pounds,  voted  to  him  by  colo 
nial  Houses  of  Assembly,  and  the  West  India  body  at 
home,  for  advocating  the  cause  of  the  planters,  and  sup 
porting  slavery.  Another  source  from  which  the  system 
receives  support  is  the  ignorance  of  the  British  public; 
and  I  say  that  ignorance  on  this  subject  is,  to  a  certain 
extent,  crime  also.  We  have  been  wilfully  ignorant  on  the 
subject ;  we  have  not  opened  our  eyes  to  the  fact  before 
us;  we  have  not  examined  into  the  nature  of  British  colo 
nial  slavery,  else  our  fears  would  have  been  alarmed,  our 
humanity  shocked,  our  religion  exercised,  and,  ere  this, 
(but  for  our  ignorance,)  we  should  have  got  rid  of  this 
odious  system.  Pride  has  done  much,  and  timidity  has 

done  more,  to  prevent  its [Hisses.]     I  hear  a  hiss  :   is 

it  not  as  I  have  said  ?  He  who  is  not  with  us  is  against 
us.  The  timid  amongst  mankind  are  hanging  back,  from 
an  apprehension  of  the  danger  of  emancipation,  simply 
because  they  will  not  take  the  pains  to  ascertain  the  truth. 
Their  fears  would  be  removed  if  they  only  came  to  the  light 
to  be  examined.  Compare  the  danger  of  the  abolition  of 
the  system,  with  the  danger  of  its  continuance,  and  that  of 
abolition  will  sink  to  nothing.  A  great  many  inconsistent 
people  do  not  like  slavery  themselves,  and  would  wish  to 
get  rid  of  it;  but  they  have  no  pity  or  concern  for  the 
slaves  in  the  West  Indies.  Charles  James  Fox,  who  was 
as  great  a  friend  to  liberty  as  any  man,  said  that  to  com- 


THIRD    LECTURE.  145 

pare  personal  slavery  with  political  slavery  was  a  base  im* 
posture  ;  they  should  not  be  mentioned  in  the  same  breath  ; 
and  there  was  no  comparison  whatever,  between  the  thral 
dom  of  the  negro  and  that  of  the  British  community. 
Many  are  not  laboring  with  us  because  they  do  not  pro 
perly  estimate  their  own  value  in  society  ;  they  are  for 
leaving  to  somebody  else  with  more  riches,  more  power, 
and  influence  than  themselves,  forgetting  that  this  is  a  per 
sonal  question,  that  all  men  are  bound  to  labor  in  this 
vineyard  ;  that  they  can  set  an  example  to  others  ;  and 
though  they  deplore  their  own  insignificance,  and  properly 
and  laudably  too  ;  though  they  think  meanly  of  themselves, 
such  thoughts  ought  not  to  hinder  them  from  doing  what 
they  can,  remembering  that  what  they  do  may  reprove  sin 
in  high  quarters,  and  tend  to  promote  the  great  work  of 
negro  emancipation.  [Applause.]  Therefore,  I  say,  let 
no  man  keep  back  from  an  idea  of  the  insignificance  of 
what  he  can  do  in  this  cause,  for,  as  the  Westminster  Re 
view  has  justly  observed,  every  sixpence  given  by  an  old 
woman  to  promote  the  emancipation  of  the  negro  creates 
a  pang  in  the  heart  of  the  lordly  West  Indian.  [Ap 
plause.] 

Now,  what  is  the  mode  of  defence  set  up  for  the  con 
tinuance  of  West  India  slavery? — As  they  allege,  slavery 
should  not  be  touched  with  a  hasty  or  inconsiderate  hand, 
because  it  is  a  very  ancient  system.  This  is  one  of  the 
arguments  set  up  for  its  continuance;  but  if  crime  were  to 
be  justified  because  it  was  of  ancient  origin,  then  we  might 
vindicate  murder  on  the  very  same  principle,  for  every 
body  knows  that  Cain  was  a  murderer  when  he  slew  his 
brother  Abel.  But  then,  there  is  the  scriptural  argument 
for  the  system  of  slavery.  The  scriptural  argument  is 
drawn  from  these  passages  : 

'  Moreover  of  the  children  of  the  strangers  that  do  sojourn  among  you,  of 
them  shall  ye  buy,  :»nd  of  their  families  that  are  with  you,  which  they  begat 
in  your  land:  and  ihey  shall  be  your  possession.  And  ye  shall  take  them  as 
an"  inheritance  for  your  children  after  you,  to  inherit  them  for  a  possession; 
they  shall  be  your  bondmen  forever;  but  over  your  brethren  the  children  of 
Israel,  ye  shall  not  rule  one  over  another  with  rigor. — Leviticus  xx,45,46. 

These  are  the  oniy  passages  quoted  from  the  Old  Testa 
ment  to  show  that  slavery  is  not   sinful  ;  but  let  us  take 
the  general  tenor  of  the  Old  Testament  before  we  come  to 
any  decision  on  that  point.     I  find  the  state  of  the  argu 
13 


146  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

ment  as  drawn  from  the  Old  Testament  to  be  briefly  this  ; — 
slavery  was  invariably,  when  sanctioned  by  Almighty  God, 
a  judicial  punishment  appointed  by  himself  in  consequence 
of  the  crimes   of  the   people  subjected  to  its  rigor.     This 
was  invariably  the  case  with    regard  to  all   the  instances 
which  had  in  the  remotest  degree  the  sanction  of  Heaven. 
I  should  enter  more  fully  into  this  point  if  I  had  time  and 
strength  ;  unfortunately  I  have  neither  ;  but  I  assure  this 
large  and  respectable  auditory,  that  I  have,  at  a  very  great 
sacrifice  of  comfort  and  personal  health,  been  at  consider- 
ble  pains,  since  the  gentleman  mooted  this  argument,  in 
tracing  the  history  of  slavery  as  given   in  the  Old  Testa 
ment,    and  I  am  prepared  to  prove  that  the  slavery   of  the 
Scriptures  is  invariably  a  judicial   slavery,  inflicted  on  na 
tions  and  people  who  were  doomed  to  death,  and  that  in 
no  one    instance  is  man  allowed,  without  the   sanction  of 
the  Almighty,  to  seize  upon  his  fellow  man  and  reduce  him 
to  slavery.   (Loud  applause.)  The  gentleman  will  also  find 
that  in  no  one  instance  was  it  ever  assumed,  or  ever  acted 
upon,  that   continuance  in  slavery  for  any  length  of  time, 
rendered  the  subjects  of  that  system  unfit  for  the  enjoyment 
of  liberty.     Almost  in  every  instance  their  Emancipation 
\ras    instantaneous,  whenever   it  was  resolved    that   their 
crimes  had  been  atoned  for^;  that  when  their  right  to  lib 
erty  was    acknowledged,  it  was  never  assumed,  or  acted 
upon,  that  their  continuance  in  slavery  presented  any  bar 
to  their  entrance  into   a  state  of  liberty.     Again,  the  gen 
tleman  will  find  that  there  is  a  great  deal  of  difference  be 
tween  prophecy    and  permission,  between  permission  and 
sanction  ;  a  crime  prophesied  is  not  therefore  a  crime  sanc 
tioned, — a  crime  permitted  is  not  therefore  a  crime  approv 
ed.     The  gentleman  alluded  to  certain  prophecies  regard 
ing  slavery,  but  I  think  that  he  will   admit    with   me  that 
the  pre-annunciation   of  any  crime  is  not  the  permission 
of  that  crime  ;  that  the  prophecy  that  Canaan  should    be 
cursed,    and  his  children  the  slave  of  slaves,  was  no  sanc 
tion,  no  permission  of  that  system  of  slavery  which  subse 
quently  came  into  operation.     Again,  the  same  Scriptures 
invariably  record  God's  anger  and   indignation  against  all 
acts  of  cruelty  and  oppression,  and  direct  that  even  in  the 
enslavement  of  the  Canaanites,  the  paramount  doctrines  of 
justice  and  mercy  were  to   be  observed,    and  in  that  very 


THIRD    LECTURE.  147 

prophecy  which  has  been  alluded  to,  it  is  said  that  ven 
geance  belongs  to  God,  and  He  will  repay  it.  He  will  not 
allow  mortal  man  to 

'  Snatch  from  his  hand  the  balance  and  the  rod, 
Rejudge  His  justice — be  the  God  of  God.' 

It  appears,  therefore,  that  though  man,  in  this  instance,  with 
the  sanction  of  Almighty  God,  might  enslave  his  fellow- 
man,  as  a  commutation  of  the  sentence  of  death  passed 
upon  him,  he  might  not  oppress  him,  he  might  not  enslave 
others  without  such  sanction,  and  tyranize  over  them  from 
any  inclination  or  motive  of  his  own. 

Not  only  is  the  old  Testament  appealed  to  by  the  defend 
ers  of  slavery,  but  recourse  is  had  to  the  New  Testament 
to  vindicate  the  present  system  of  slavery  in  the  colonies. 
The  silence  of  Christianity  is  pleaded,  and  the  conduct  of 
the  Apostles  is  pleaded,  as  an  extenuation,  if  not  vindica 
tion,  of  the  continuance  of  slavery. 

It  is  sufficient  for  us  to  know  that  all  the  doctrines,  all  the 
principles,  and  the  genius  of  Christianity,  are  inimical  to 
the  system  of  colonial  slavery,  and  that  the  great  funda 
mental  maxim  of  the  Christian  religion  binds  us  to  do  unto 
others  as  we  would  that  others  should  do  unto  us.  (Ap 
plause.)  We  are  not  to  be  guided  simply  by  the  precept 
that  servants  are  to  be  obedient  to  their  masters,  without 
considering  the  reciprocal  duties  which  masters  owe  to 
their  servants.  One  injunction  laid  upon  him  who  is  struck 
on  the  right  cheek  is,  that  he  turn  his  left  also  ;  b.ut  surely 
the  advice  given  to  the  smitten  is  no  justification  to  the 
smiter  !  Neither  is  the  precept  given  to  the  slave  any 
justification  to  the  master  for  holding  his  fellow-man  in  a 
state  of  slavery.  (Loud  applause.)  Again,  the  danger  of 
emancipation  is  insisted  on  as  a  reason  for  continuing  to  hold 
the  slaves  in 'bondage.  I  have  endeavored  to  expose  the 
fallacy  of  this  argument,  and  to  show  that  the  danger  is  all 
on  the  other  side.  What  danger  can  there  be  from  infants? 
What  danger  can  there  be  from  women?  What  danger  can 
there  be  from  the  sick,  the  infirm,  the  aged  ?  What  danger 
can  there  be  from  the  Christianized  negroes,  or  from  those 
who,  we  are  told,  are  satisfied  with  their  condition,  and  at 
tached  to  their  masters  by  the  ties  of  affection  and  grati 
tude  ?  The  great  danger  arises  from  upholding  a  system 
of  outrage  and  injustice  ;  the  great  danger  arises  from 
oppression  ;  the  great  danger  arises  from  the  continuance 


J4S  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

in  a  course  of  crime  and  impiety  ;  and,  as  I  said  before,, 
the  danger  of  doing  wrong  is  always  considered  greater  in 
a  well-regulated  mind,  than  the  danger  of  doing  right. 
[Applause.] 

Then  there  is  the  knotty  question  of  compensation  ;  on 
this  question  I  have  only  one  word  to  say.  My  only  ob 
jection  to  compensation  is,  that  it  should  be  mixed  up  with 
the  measure  of  emancipation.  I  hold,  most  sacredly  and 
seriously,,  that  we  should  take  into  consideration  the  rights 
of  the  negro  irrespective  of  the  rights  of  the  colonists  ;  that 
is,  we  should  first  consider  the  rights  of  800,000  living 
human  beings,  and  then  consider  the  rights  of  the  planters. 
I  have  no  objection  to  compensation  as  an  after  consider 
ation  ;  and  as  the  gentleman  on  the  other  side  stated  that 
the  planters  only  require  compensation  if  it  be  found  im 
possible  to  obtain  an  equal  amount  of  labor,  under  a  free 
system,  with  that  which  was  obtained  under  the  slave 
system,  I  am  quite  willing  to  grant  compensation  to  the 
full  extent  of  that  principle,  whenever  a  loss  can  be  made 
out  before  a  committee  of  impartial  individuals.  (Ap 
plause.)  But,  I  fear,  the  true  grounds  of  their  opposition 
to  us  on  this  question  are, — first,  a  love  of  power,  inherit 
ed  and  cherished  by  those  connected  with  the  West  India 
system; — and  in  the  second  place,  it  is  very  natural  that 
a  body  of  men  so  powerful  and  respectable  as  the  West  In 
dian  body,  should  be  extremely  jealous  and  irritable  with 
respect  to  any  interference  with  what  they  consider  their 
rightful  and  legitimate  property  ;  from  the  number  of  con 
flicting  claims  it  is,  therefore,  evident  that  the  planters 
cannot  grant  emancipation  ;  the  merchants  cannot  grant 
emancipation  ;  the  mortgagee  cannot  grant  emancipation  ; 
the  overseers  cannot  grant  emancipation  ;  and  that  nothing 
but  a  legislative  measure  on  the  subject,  passed  by  the 
British  Parliament,  can  settle  this  question.  (Applause.) 

Now,  if  we  can  show  that  instead  of  our  laws  guarding 
the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  negroe,  they  absolute 
ly  deprive  him  of  those  rights  and  liberties,  why  then 
those  laws  are  no  laws  to  him, — they  are  unrighteous 
laws,  and  the  slave,  when  he  tramples  them  under  his  foot, 
behaves  like  an  Englishman, — and  he  who  gibbets  him  for 
it  is  a  murderer  and  a  felon.  (Cheers  and  hisses.)  I  hear 
a  hiss  ;  what  would  the  man  who  hisses,  say  if  he  were 


THIRD    LECTURE.  149 

unjustly  imprisoned,  deprived  of  his  liberty,  his  offspring 
and  his  life,  by  laws  which  never  protected  him  ?  (Cries 
of  '  Serve  him  right,  turn  him  out.')  If  instead  of  turning 
him  out  you  would  turn  him  nearer,  that  we  might  see  him, 
that  we  might  learn  who  he  is  and  where  he  lives,  and 
who  it  is  that  pays  him  his  wages  on  Saturday  night. 
(Laughter  and  applause.)  That  we  might  know  what  he 
is  made  of.  That  we  might  look  into  his  heart ;  we  should 
find  out  who  are  our  opponents,  whether  they  deserve  to 
be  respected  as  lovers  of  their  kind,  or  to  be  despised  as 
men  who  would  monopolize  liberty  to  themselves,  and  deny 
it  to  the  rest  of  the  world.  (Applause.)  Paley,  speaking 
of  the  natural  rights  of  men,  says, 

*  The  natural  rights  of  man  are,  a  man's  right  to  his  life,  limbs,  and  liber 
ty  ;  his  right  to  the  produce  of  his  personal  labor ;  to  the  use,  in  common  with 
others,  of  air,  light,  water.  If  a  thousand  different  persons,  from  a  thous 
and  different  corners  of  the  world  were  cast  together  upon  a  desert  island, 
they  would  from  the  first  be  everyone  entitled  to  these  rights.' 

Is  there  any  thing  to  hiss  at  here  1  Does  not  the  man 
who  hisses  know  that  if  he  were  in  bondage  we  would  plead 
his  cause,  we  would  ask  liberty  for  him?  Is  it  not  as  meri 
torious  to  plead  the  cause  of  the  African  as  it  is  to  sympa* 
thize  with  the  insulted  and  degraded  Poles  ?  Should  not 
the  liberty  of  Africa  be  esteemed  as  much  as  that  of  Co 
lumbia  or  Mexico  ?  What,  then,  is  it  our  duty  to  do  ? 

I  come  back  to  the  original  object  which  I  stated  we  had 
in  view,  which  is  the  immediate  and  total  abolition  of  co 
lonial  slavery.  What  do  we  mean  by  immediate  1  Why, 
that  immediate  steps  should  be  taken  for  its  abolition,  in 
opposition  to  what  is  called  gradual  emancipation,  which 
means  no  emancipation  at  all.  If  I  told  a  builder  to-night, 
to  build  me  a  house  immediately,  should  I  expect  to  see  the 
coping  stones  and  chimneys  up,  to-morrow  morning  ?  No  ; 
but  I  should  expect  to  see  him  getting  materials,  laying  the 
foundation,  arranging  the  scaffolding,  and  going  on,  from 
day  today,  in  the  prosecution  of  the  work.  If  a  man  were 
awoke  in  the  Right,  and  told  to  go  immediately  for  a  phy 
sician,  would  he  go  without  putting  on  his  clothes?  Would 
he  transport  himself  by  some  magical  effort  to  the  place 
whither  he  was  told  to  go  immediately  ?  No  !  In  like, 
manner  we  would  take  the  necessary  steps  to  secure  the 
abolition  of  slavery.  Others  would  temporise,  propose 
13* 


150  MR.  THOMPSON'S 

modifications  of  the  system,  and  do  what  they  can  to  per 
petuate  it.     '  Wait  a   little   time,'   say   they  ;  never  mind 
how  mercy  bleeds,  or  justice  frowns,  how  the  negro  suffers, 
or  the  Englishman  petitions, — do  it  gradually,  yes,  do    it 
gradually.     I  wonder   what    they    mean    by    gradually? 
When  will  gradual  emancipation  arrive  1     I  remember  an 
anecdote  told  of  Charles  James  Fox,  who,  when  in  power, 
was  very  deeply  in  debt ;  he  had  a  secretary  named  Hare  ; 
and  'like    master  like  man,'  both  were  up  to  the  ears  in 
embarrassment.     Mr.  Fox  looking  one  morning  out  at  the 
window  saw  coming  up  the   street    an    old  money-lending 
Jew,  to  whom  both  were  indebted.    '  Well,  Solomon,'  said 
he,  '  what  are  you  after  this  morning  ?     Are  you  Fox-hunt 
ing  or  Hare-hunting?     '  Why,  for  the  matter  of  that/  said 
the  Jew,  'lam    both    Fox-hunting   and    Hare-hanting ;  I 
want  both  ;  I  want    my    money.'     '  You  must  wait,  Solo 
mon,'  said  Mr.  Fox.     '  I  cannot  wait,'  said  the   Jew  ;  '  I 
want  my  money  :  have  I  not  a  right  to  my  money  ?'     '  Cer 
tainly,  Solomon  ;  you    have  a   right  to  your  money,   Sol 
omon — a    most  undoubted  right,  Solomon  ;  but  it   is  in 
convenient  to  me  to  let  you  have  it  now  ;  you  can  call  again, 
Solomon,  come  on   such   a  day.'     The  Jew  went  accord 
ingly,  and  again  the  answer  was, — '  Wait,  Solomon  ;  both 
Mr.   Hare   and   myself  are  so  deeply  involved  in  business 
that  we  have  not  time  to  attend  to  the  settlement  of  your 
account; — call  again,   Solomon.'      Solomon  went   again, 
and  still  the   answer   was,  '  Wait,   Solomon.'     '  I  cannot 
wait,'  said  Solomon  at  last.     '  I  will  not  wait  a  day  longer 
than  your  next  appointment.'     '  Well,  then,'  said  Mr.  Fox, 
'  suppose   we  say,   Solomon — the  day  of  judgment,  Solo 
mon.'     '  Oh  1'  said  the  Jew,  '  that  will  be  far  too  busy  and 
important  a   day    for  the    settlement    of  your   account.' 
'  Well,  then,'  said    Mr.  Fox,   still    determined  to  be  face 
tious,  '  suppose,  Solomon,  we  say  the  day  after  !'     (Laugh 
ter.)     This  is  exactly  the  line  of  argument  pursued  by  our 
friends  on  the  opposite  side — '  Wait  till  the  day  of  judg 
ment, — wait  till  the  day  after  but  don't  do  it  now  !'  '  Why 
not  do  it  now  !'     '  Oh,  there  are  the  poor,  the  infirm,  the 
old,  and  the  young  I1     Well,  are  not  the  poor,  the   infirm, 
the  old,  and  the  young,   provided   for    now?     And  would 
there  not  still  be  the  same  fund  for  their   support,  though 
it  should  come  in  another  shape,  and  through  another  ehan- 


THIRD  LECTURE.  151 

nel?  (Hear,  hear.)  Were  the  poor  of  England  worse 
provided  for  when  there  were  no  poor  laws,  than  they  are 
now  ?  Would  it  be  worse  for  the  planters  to  maintain  the 
old,  the  infirm,  and  the  young,  than  it  is  to  maintain  them 
now  ?  Is  there  not  wisdom  enough  in  the  British  Parlia 
ment  to  make  some  arrangement  for  the  maintenance  of 
these  poor  old  men,  and  old  women,  and  young  children  ? 
Are  the  planters  the  only  persons  in  the  world  who  can 
give  the  negroes  four  parlors  and  a  saloon,  and  carry  them 
wine  when  they  want  it  ? 

My  friends, — We  are  warned  to  do  this  work  ;  every 
motive  that  can  influence  the  human  mind  calls  upon  us 
to  do  it,  to  do  it  now,  not  to  lose  an  hour  in  the  performance 
of  this  solemn  duty.  If  hurricanes  or  tornadoes  could 
warn  us,  we  have  had  them  j  if  insurrections  and  blood 
shed  could  warn  us,  we  have  had  them  ;  if  the  tremen 
dous  mortality  amongst  the  negroes  could  warn  us,  that 
mortality  is  ever  before  our  eyes  ;  if  the  depreciation  of 
West  Indian  property  could  warn  us,  that  depreciation  w.e 
have  seen  and  daily  see  ;  and  even  whilst  I  speak  a  blight 
and  mildew  cover  every  part  of  the  system,  and  nothing 
but  retracing  oursteps  can  bring  back  peace,  security,  and 
prosperity,  to  the  colonies.  (Loud  applause.) 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen, — I  will  not  longer  take  up  your 
time  to-night.  The  subject  is  not  yet  exhausted,  though 
my  strength  is  entirely  gone.  As  I  understand  that  the 
gentleman,  who  has  already  appeared  twice  before  you,  is 
again  to  address  you,  I  may  ask  on  his  behalf  what  I  asked 
on  my  own,  that  you  will  hear  him  patiently.  If  I  myself 
offered  him  any  interruption,  when  he  last  appeared  before 
you,  and  when  he  alluded  to  the  philanthrophic  gentleman 
'  whose  name  is  a  synonyme  for  every  thing  that  is  noble  in 
a  British  merchant  and  honorable  in  a  man/  remember 
the  impression  which  that  statement  was  calculated  to 
produce,  had  it  gone  forth  from  this  platform  uncontradict- 
ed  and  unexplained.  It  was  said  that  I  declined  to  lecture 
before  that  gentleman,  when,  if  the  truth  had  been  told,  it 
would  have  appeared  that  my  sole  objection  to  lecturing 
before  a  chairman  of  the  West  India  body,  an  objection 
stated  in  the  most  handsome  terms  I  could  devise,  was  an 
apprehension  of  being  compelled  to  say,  in  the  course  of 
my  lecture,  what  might  be  thought  to  do  violence  to  the 


152  MR.  THOMPSON'S  THIRD  LECTURE. 

feelings  of  the  chairman.  (Applause.)  As  I  came  to 
Liverpool  uninfluenced  by  any  particular  body,  I  thought 
I  had  a  right  to  consult  my  own  feelings  on  the  sub 
ject,  and,  therefore,  I  claimed,  for  the  sake  of  my  own 
feelings  and  those  of  the  Chairman,  that  we  might  have 
a  disinterested  person  in  the  chair.  (Applause.)  But 
when  T  found  that  persisting  in  such  determination  might, 
in  the  least  degree,  disturb  the  harmony  between  the  two 
bodies,  I  instantly  acceded  to  their  wishes,  and  expressed 
my  perfect  willingness  to  lecture  with  Mr.  Horsfall,or  any 
other  gentleman  as  Chairman  on  the  occasion.  (Cheers.) 
This  led  me  to  request  that  the  letter  might  be  read;  and 
as  the  letter  was  alluded  to  on  this  platform  in  a  manner 
calculated  to  prejudice  me  in  the  opinion  of  the  meeting, 
I  think  it  might  have  been  read  in  order  that  the  auditory 
might  be  in  possession  of  the  facts.  (Applause.)  And  I 
cannot  but  accuse  the  Chairman,  on  that  occasion,  of 
something  like  reservation  in  withholding  that  fact  from 
the  audience,  when  he  well  knew  that  it  was  not.  from  cow- 
a  dice  that  I  objected  to  lecture  before  him,  but  a  regard 
for  his  own  feelings  as  a  gentleman,  whom  I  honor  from 
the  character  I  have  heard  of  him  ;  but  I  still  say  that  to 
sit  in  that  chair  and  not  give  the  whole  truth  to  the 
auditory,  was  an  act  of  reservation  which  does  little  honor 
either  to  his  head  or  his  heart.  (Cheers.) 

Ladies  and  Gentlemen, — I  have  now  done  ;  I  leave  the 
cause  in  your  hands.  I  believe  our  treaty  with  the  West 
India  body  is  nearly  at  an  end.  I  have  only  further  to  say, 
hear  patiently,  judge  candidly,  consider  deliberately,  and 
then  decide  between  us  ;  and  say  whether  the  arguments 
adduced  for  the  continuance  of  slavery,  or  mine  for  its 
abolition,  are  the  strongest.  If  mine,  speak  with  one 
heart  and  with  one  voice,  and  declare  it  for  ever  at  an 
end. 

Mr.  Thompson  concluded  his  address  at  a  little  after  nine 
o'clock,  amidst  the  loudest  cheering  and  clapping  of  hands, 
and  the  audience  soon  afterwards  quietly  separated. 


(  153  ) 


THE  SUBSTANCE  OF  A  LECTURE, 

Delivered  Thursday  evening,  September  QQth,  1832,  in  the 
Wesley  an   Chapel,  Irwell  Street,  Salford,  Manchester, 
(Eng.)  by  George  Thompson,  Esq.      This  Lecture  was 
delivered  by  Mr.   Thompson  scon  after  Mr.  Borthwick, 
the  Agent  of  the    West  Indian  pro-slavery  party,  had 
publicly  said  that  he  would  follow  Mr.  Thompson  l  from 
place  to  place,  like  his  evil  genius' — how  far  the  intention 
of  Mr.  llorthwick  was  ejfectcd  the  result  of  Mr.  Thomp 
son's  labors  fully  demonstrate. 

On  Thursday  evening  last,  Mr.  G.  THOMPSON,  who  for 
the  last  three  weeks  has  been  zealously  laboring  in  the 
cause  of  negro  emancipation  at  Liverpool,  delivered  a 
lecture  in  the  Wesleyan  Methodist  Chapel,  Irwell-street, 
Salford. 

The  lecture  was  announced  to  commence  at  seven 
o'clock.  The  admission  was  by  tickets,  for  which  there 
was  an  unprecedented  demand.  As  early  as  five  o'clock  the 
doors  were  surrounded  by  a  number  of  most  respectable 
persons,  and  by  half-past  six  the  chapel  was  crowded  by 
one  of  the  most  respectable  auditories  ever  witnessed  either 
in  Manchester  or  Salford.  We  observed  a  considerable 
number  of  the  Society  of  Friends  present.  At  twenty 
minutes  before  seven  Mr.  Thompson  was  recognised  walk 
ing  down  the  aisle,  attended  by  several  of  his  friends, 
and  was  greeted  with  enthusiastic  cheers.  A  few  min 
utes  before  seven,  W.  Hill,  Esq.,  the  Boroughreeve,  enter 
ed,  and  was  loudly  cheered.  Precisely  at  seven  o'clock 
Mr.  Thompson,  accompanied  by  the  Boroughreeve  and 
Mr.  Peter  Clare,  left  the  vestry  and  ascended  the  pulpit 
stairs.  Mr.  Thompson  came  to  the  front  of  the  pulpit, 
bowed  respectfully  to  the  assembly,  and  was  received  with 
immense  cheers,  which  lasted  a  considerable  time.  The 
Boroughreeve  briefly  introduced  the  lecturer,  and  express 
ed  a  hope  that  during  the  evening  there  would  be  no  de-» 


154  LECTURE 

monstration  of  feeling  inconsistent  with  the  sacred  charac 
ter  of  the  building  in  which  they  were  assembled. 

MR.  THOMPSON  said  that  it  was  with  unfeigned  gratifica 
tion,  though  with  very  considerable  fear,  that  he  consented 
to  present  himself  before  so  very  large  and  respectable  an 
assembly.  His  gratification  was  of  a  very  high  order,  be 
cause  the  present  was  a  strong  proof  that  the  interest 
which  was  awakened  on  the  subject  which  was  that  night 
to  engross  their  consideration,  had  not  become  by  any 
means  diminished,  but  seemed  rather  to  have  increased. 
He  wished  it  might  continue  to  be  so.  He  wished  that 
their  zeal  in  so  good  a  cause  might  continue  to  increase  till 
victory  was  achieved,  and  that,  as  they  proceeded  in  their 
career  of  mercy,  they  might  leave  behind  them  everything 
which  would  sully  the  honor  and  the  character  of  the  strug 
gle  in  which  they  were  engaged.  He,  for  one,  was  more 
than  ever  convinced  that  the  cause  they  advocated  required 
none  of  the  ordinary  means  of  making  it  popular— none  of 
the  ordinary  means  of  defending  it — that  it  was  quite  suffi 
cient  to  trust  in  the  high  and  commanding  principles  which 
were  involved  in  the  discussion,  and  to  rely  on  those  views 
which  truth,  unmixed  with  any  other  quality,  will  bear  to 
the  mind,  rather  than  connect  it  with  personal  considera 
tions,  and  make  this  a  conflict  for  victory  in  argument  rath 
er  than  a  triumph  of  mercy  over  oppression.  And  he  trust 
ed  that  whilst  on  the  one  hand  he  should  avoid  all  compro 
mise  of  principle,  he  should  on  the  other  avoid  the  use  of 
those  weapons  which  in  some  cases  might  be  legitimate 
and  allowable,  but  which  in  this  were  perfectly  unnecessary, 
because  the  subject,  clad  in  its  own  character,  would  make 
a  strong  and  effectual  appeal  to  the  heart.  And  if  he  did, 
when  he  last  had  the  honor  of  appearing  before  an  audi 
tory  in  that  place,  under  the  influence  of  strong  feeling, 
and  from  a  conviction,  which  at  the  present  time  he  must 
again  express,  that  a  most  unhallowed  and  lawless — though 
he  believed  in  the  end  it  would  prove  to  their  own  cause  a 
most  beneficial — attempt  was  in  progress  to  retard  the  ac 
complishment  of  the  object  dear  to  all  his  hearers — if  with 
the  knowledge  of  this  fact,  and  being  personally  involved  in 
the  matter,  he  did  give  expression  to  feelings  and  senti 
ments  not  perfectly  necessary  in  the  advocacy  of  the 
cause — let  it  be  recollected  that  it  required  no  ordinary 


AT    SALFORD.  155 

measure  of  Christian  charity  and  self-command  to  restrain 
the  feelings  and  check  the  lips  when  upon  the  threshold 
of  giving  utterance  to  sentiments  under  which  men  are 
laboring — and  when  a  cause  based  upon  Christianity,  and 
on  whose  side  are  enlisted  all  the  attributes  of  humanity, 
was  attacked  by  men  who  professed  to  have  the  same  ob 
ject  in  view  with  themselves,  and  who  yet,  at  every  step, 
were  drawing  deadly  daggers  and  aiming  them  at  the 
heart  of  their  opponent.  (Applause.)  The  present  was 
a  manifestation  of  friendship  which  was,  he  believed,  never 
witnessed  till  the  men  who  were  the  direct  foes  to  the  ob 
ject  which  they  had  in  view  professed,  when  they  were  on 
the  eve  of  effecting  their  object,  to  take  the  work  out  of  their 
hands — and  when  it  was  accomplished,  not  by  the  ener 
gies  of  those  men  but  of  themselves,  would  cheat  them 
of  their  prize  and  appear  before  the  world  as  the  correctors 
of  those  evils  which  others  had  seen  for  years,  and  in  try 
ing  to  remove  which  they  had  been  met  at  every  step  by 
the  most  determined  opposition. 

Mr.  Thompson  afterwards  stated  the  course  which  he 
intended  to  pursue  in  his  lecture,  and  said  that  as  his  for 
mer  addresses  had  been  directed  to  shew  the  general  evils 
of  colonial  slavery — the  situation  and  general  character  of 
the  slave — the  mode  in  which  the  system  was  upheld — by 
whom  and  by  what  variety  of  means  it  was  sought  to  pal 
liate  its  dreadful  enormities  ;  so,  as  that  might  be  the  last 
time  he  should  have  the  honor  of  delivering  an  address  in 
Manchester,  he  should  wish  now  to  do  something  in  the 
way  of  summing  up  the  question,  by  bringing,  very  concise 
ly  and  briefly,  before  his  auditory  the  principal  evils  which 
were  embodied  in  the  system,  to  show  that  not  only  the 
general  idea  of  slavery  was  bad,  but  that  by  taking  it  to 
pieces  and  examining  its  particular  parts  they  might  see 
it  was  altogether  evil — that  from  the  crown  of  the  head  to 
the  sole  of  the  foot  the  monster  was  nothing  but  wounds, 
and  bruises,  and  putrifying  sores.  (Applause.) 

Slavery,  and  particularly  such  slavery  as  was  to  be  found 
in  the  West  Indies,  cursed  the  soil  upon  which  it  existed, 
and  almost  inevitably,  wherever  it  had  obtained,  whether 
in  our  dominions  or  in  the  dominions  of  other  powers,  had 
produced  barrenness  and  sterility,  and  prevented  nature 
from  bringing  forth  her  fruits  in  that  measure  which  other- 


156  LECTURE 

wise  she  would,  had  the  course  pursued  to  obtain  them 
been  equitable  and  just.  And  how  did  this  result  ?  The 
people  of  England  had  pursued  a  course  of  conduct  at  once 
the  most  unjust  and  at  once  the  most  absurd,  in  making 
it  exceedingly  desirable  for  the  West  Indian  planter  to 
send,  at  all  hazards,  as  much  sugar  into  this  market  as  the 
ground  could  possibly  create.  So  fond,  indeed,  were  we 
of  slavery,  that  we  did  not  grudge  some  millions  and  a 
half  of  pounds  yearly,  in  the  way  of  direct  bounty,  to  foster 
a  system  under  which  women  were  flogged,  children  were 
doomed  to  slavery  from  the  womb,  and  to  every  description 
of  evil  by  which  they  could  be  degraded  and  destroyed.  He 
begged  to  direct  attention  to  the  main  argument  used  to  de 
lude  the  public  into  a  notion  that  they  who  were  endeavor- 
ing  to  thwart  the  efforts  of  the  anti-slavery  society,  were  the 
best  friends  of  the  negro,  and  that  they  only  held  them  in 
bondage  to  nurture  and  prepare  them  for  that  liberty  to 
which  it  was  their  desire  to  introduce  them.  If  this  argu 
ment  was  sincere,  how  did  it  apply  to  the  infant?  Was  he 
not  fit  for  freedom  when  he  came  into  the  world?  Must 
a  child  be  trained  in  slavery  in  order  to  enjoy  the  bliss  of 
liberty?  Was  that  either  a  human  or  a  rational  course? 
What  had  the  infant  done  that  even  before  he  came  into  the 
world  a  price  was  put  upon  him  to  render  the  mother  of 
greater  value,  and  that,  from  the  hour  he  came  into  this 
breathing  world,  he  is  consigned  to  slavery  bounded  only 
by  that  place  where  the  wicked  cease  from  troubling  and 
the  weary  are  at  rest.  (Applause.)  On  their  own  shew 
ing,  he  claimed  liberty  for  every  infant  that  breathed. 
(Loud  applause.)  The  argument  of  unfitness  could  not 
apply  to  them,  and  the  man  who  took  the  infant  from  its 
mother's  breast,  and  giving  it  to  another  to  be  fed  or  suckled, 
then  drove  it  to  work  for  his  profit,  his  ease  or  his  aggran 
disement,  under  the  infliction  of  stripes  that  mercy  wept 
to  see  inflicted  on  a  beast, — such  a  man  was  not  a  whit  bet 
ter  than  he  who  took  his  ship  to  the  western  shores  of 
Africa  and  burdened  it  with  the  wretched  villagers  whom 
this  dastardly  planter,  knowing  nothing  of  the  perils  and 
toils  thus  sustained,  bought  and  labored  in  the  colonies. 
(Applause.)  Thus  were  they  told  that  they  must  not  re 
mit  the  negro  because  he  was  unfit  for  freedom,  and  yet 
they  were  daily  introducing  them  into  that  state  which  dis- 


AT    SALFORD.  157 

qualified  them  from  being  useful  members  of  society. 
They  incurred  an  awful  responsibility,  and  his  auditors 
partook  of  it  if  they  were  concerned  in  taking  men  from  the 
Jand  of  their  birth,  and  consigning  them  to  the  influ 
ence  of  a  system  which  almost  forbad  improvement,  and 
which  never  did  and  never  could  qualify  them  for  any  of  the 
duties  or  the  real  and  proper  pursuits  of  life.  See,  (ex 
claimed  the  lecturer,)  yon  tottering  slave  on  the  margin  of 
the  grave,  about  for  ever  to  sink  from  the  sight  of  mortal, 
and  to  enter  upon  that  state  where  no  change,  as  regards 
character,  can  be  possibly  achieved.  He  is  now  -sunken, 
in  vice,  exhausted  and  diseased  in  body,  and  knowing  not, 
perhaps,  whether  a  GOD  reigns,  he  plunges,  almost  in  the 
dark  into  that  world  where  man  shall  be  introduced  into 
the  presence  of  a  heart-searching  judge.  What  reason  is 
there  to  believe  that  that  man  might  not  have  been  an  use 
ful,  perhaps  an  ornamental,  member  of  society  ?  (Ap 
plause.)  He  might  have  been  trained  to  embellish  the  age 
in  which  he  lived,  and  the  world  of  which  he  bad  been 
an  inhabitant — he  might  have  risen  to  honor  an<i  independ 
ence,  and  achieved  a  deathless  name  !  But  see  him  as  lie 
is — degraded  and  despised,  reduced  to  the  level  of  the  brute, 
he  dies  unpitied,  and  the  curtain  closes  upon  his  history. 
(Applause.) 

P»ut  it  was  said  that  the  mother  did  not  regard  her  off 
spring — that  for  her  it  might  pine  in  neglect,  or  fall  a  vic 
tim  to  the  absence  of  maternal  sympathy,  whilst  in  truth 
the  mother  was  driven  to  the  field  to  labor,  when  with  the 
fondness  of  a  parent  she  should  have  been  rearing  her  in 
fant  for  useful  life.  How,  he  asked,  did  they  prove  their 
assertion  ?  Would  a  British  audience  believe  it,  upon  the 
mere  ipse  dlxit  of  the  advocate  of  a  wicked  cause.  Did 
the  raven  feed  its  young,  the  tigress  care  for  its  offspring, 
nnd  all  the  irrational  creation,  with  few  exceptions,  invaria 
bly  look  with  anxiety  and  care  to  those  whom  they  brought 
into  existence,  and  should  it  be  said  that  the  negro  mother 
cared  not  for  her  innocent  babe  ?  But  if  she  did  not, 
rather  than  they  should  be  consigned  to  the  tender  mercies 
of  a  planter,  an  attorney,  an  overseer,  or  a  driver,  cast  them 
on  the  bounty  of  ETERNAL  PROVIDENCE,  and  let  him  who 
sees  the  sparrow  when  it  falls — let  him  who  hears  the  ra 
ven  when  it  cries — let  him  who  numbers  the  hairs  even 
14 


153  LECTURE 

on  the  negro's  head  take  up  the  child  when  father  and 
mother  forsook  it,  and  let  it  live  for  ever  on  the  care  of  that 
omniscient  BEING.  (Loud  and  continued  applause.)  Slav 
ery,  he  contended,  depressed  the  body,  whilst  it  withheld 
from  the  mind  of  the  negro  all  the  ordinary  motives  to  in 
citement.  Those  by  whom  he  was  surrounded  knew  the 
thousand  claims  which  they  had  upon  their  exertions,  and 
the  various  demands  that  were  made  upon  them.  They 
had  their  wives  and  children  dependent  upon  them,  they 
looked  to  the  product  of  their  labor  for  character,  and  hoped 
by  means  of  it,  to  ascend  to  wealth  and  honor,  and,  after  the 
vigor  of  their  days  had  passed  to  retire  to  affluence  and 
ease.  Ask  the  trader  (continued  Mr.  Thompson)  why  he 
labors — why  he  rises  early  and  retires  late,  and  eats  the 
bread  of  carefulness.  It  is  because  he  perceives  in  after 
years  a  comfortable  subsistence  for  himself,  and  because 
lie  hopes  to  provide  for  his  offspring,  and  to  leave  them 
some  means  of  stepping  beyond  the  limit  to  which  he  had 
been  born.  Ask  the  sailor  why  he  ploughs  the  trackless 
main — it  is  that  he  may  achieve  a  conquest  over  his  coun 
try's  foes,  and  return  to  receive  the  hard-earned  tribute  of 
honor  and  reward,  and  retiring  to  the  bosom  of  his  family, 
go  at  last  from  this  busy  world  to  one  of  peace,  security, 
and  love.  Ask  the  author  why  he  labors,  and  he  will  tell 
you  that  he  hopes  to  have  his  name  recorded  amongst  the 
celebrated  of  his  age.  Ask  the  statesman  why  he  labors — 
ask  any  free  man  why  he  labors,  and  you  find  that  neces 
sity  of  some  description  is  laid  on  him  sufficiently  strong 
to  induce  him  to  undertake  it,  and  sufficiently  powerful 
to  support  him  in  its  performance.  But  ask  the  slave  why 
he  toiled,  and  he  challenged  his  opponent  to  prove  that 
he  was  under  the  influence  of  one  of  these  motives. 

Mr.  Thompson  asserted,  upon  the  authority  of  Mr. 
Stephen,  that  the  negro  was  worked  sixteen  hours  and  forty 
minutes  in  the  day.  He  contended  that  among  the  other 
evils  incident  to  his  lot  were  the  facts  that  slavery  entailed 
on  its  unhappy  victims  all  imaginable  suffering — that  the 
slave  was  doomed  to  the  torture  of  the  cart-whip,  the  collar 
and  chains,  the  field  stocks,  the  picketing  of  St.  Lucia, 
the  block  and  tackle  of  Jamaica — that  slavery  annihilated 
the  population  engaged  in  it— that  the  negro  was  doomed 
to  laws,  arbitrary  in  their  character  and  wickedly  adminis- 


AT    SALFORD.  159 

tered — that  ignorance  was  the  inseparable  attendant  of 
bondage — that  his  subjection  destroyed  the  self-respect  of 
the  slave,  and  all  consequent  moral  purity — that  on  the  other 
hand  it  raised  in  the  breasts  of  the  planters  a  spirit  of  pride 
and  arrogance,  and  even  destroyed  the  softness  of  the  fe 
male  character — that  the  treatment  they  endured,  engen 
dered  in  the  slaves  revenge  and  all  other  base  passions — 
that  slavery  endangered  the  existence  of  society,  and  gave 
rise  to  conspiracy,  rebellion  and  assassination,  and  that, 
above  all,  it  drew  upon  those  engaged  in  it  the  wrath  of 
that  GOD  whose  laws  were  thus  trampled  upon. 

That  slavery  endangered  the  safety  of  every  community 
in  which  it  existed  ;  we  had,  he  said,  a  proof  in  America. 
Let  them  look  at  the  planters  of  Virginia,  Georgia,  South 
Carolina,  and  other  States.  They  would  find  that  the 
owners  of  slaves  were  sometimes  obliged  to  sleep  in  their 
houses  with  a  number  of  negro  infants  around  them  lest 
the  parents  should  set  fire  to  their  dwellings.  (Hear.) 
Should  any  power  desire  to  attack  America,  what  more 
had  they  to  do  than  to  arm  the  negroes,  and  lift  up  the 
standard  of  liberty  among  their  habitations.  They  would 
thus  have  planted  in  the  heart  of  their  dominions  a  system 
fatal  to  their  independence.  The  opening  words  of  their 
declaration  of  independence  were,  that  all  men  were  equal 
in  the  sight  of  GOD,  and  that  to  deprive  a  man  of  his  liberty 
was  one  of  the  foulest  crimes  of  which  another  could  be 
guilty.  (Applause.)  This  free  and  independent  people 
had  two  millions  of  slaves,  and  from  five  to  six  hundred 
thousand  free  people  of  color,  men  as  deserving  as  any  of 
their  pale-faced  tyrants,  and  yet  were  they  scouted  and  re 
pudiated  wherever,  they  bent  their  steps.  So  much  for 
freedom — so  much  for  patriotism — -so  much  for  reform,  a 
term  which  always  meant  reform  of  our  neighbors  and 
never  reform  of  ourselves.  (Cheers.)  This  was  the  love 
of  liberty  which  meant  liberty  to  do  what  pleases  ourselves, 
but  let  nobody  else  do  as  he  likes.  This  was  the  liberty 
of  our  brother  Jonathan,  (Laughter,)  and  this  was  the  li 
berty  of  his  father,  John  Bull.  (Laughter.)  Worthy  son 
of  a  worthy  sire  !  Both  must  put  this  abomination  from 
among  them,  if  they  would  justify  their  boasted  love  of  liberty 
before  the  world,  and  purge  themselves  from  the  stain  which 
slavery  had  brought  upon  them.  Slavery  hated  the  light— r 


160  LECTURE 

slavery  hated  the  truth — slavery  hated  knowledge  and  re 
ligion.  Who  would  deny  that  slavery  loved  darkness — 
that  it  loved  ignorance,  that  it  sought  concealment.  Light 
would  expose  its  enormities — would  make  it  blush — reli 
gion  would  denounce  it,  and  reason  held  it  up  to  the  uni 
versal  execration  of  mankind.  (Applause.) 

But  it  was  said  that  the  planters  loved  religion.  They 
shewed  it  by  pulling  down  chapels — they  shewed  it  by  pun 
ishing  missionaries — they  shewed  it  by  desecrating  the  Sab 
bath — by  snapping  all  the  ties  of  moral  law,  and  rejecting 
alt  the  provisions  of  the  gospel.  Yet  did  they  love  religion  ; 
and  it  was  proved  by  their  union,,  in  Jamaica,  to  sweep  every 
sectarian  from  the  island.  He  had  heard  that  persons 
afflicted  with  a  certain  species  of  mania  always  killed  those 
whom  they  loved  best.  (Applause.)  The  planters  laugh 
ed  at  religion — they  banished  the  missionaries — they  de 
molished  the  churches,  and  desecrated  the  altars  of  God, 
and  they,  therefore,  were  mad.  He  hoped,  in  pity,  that 
they  were,  and  if  they  did  not  deserve  to  be  in  the  dun 
geons  of  the  New  Bailey,  the  best  place  for  them  was  a  lu 
natic  asylum.  (Applause.)  But  it  had  been  said  that  the 
missionaries  were  interested,  that  they  were  cobblers  and  tai 
lors  in  their  own  country,  and  that  they  left  <£30  a-year  here, 
for  <£2oO  abroad.  And,  if  they  had  ,£2250  it  would  not 
compensate  them.  It  would  not  repay  them  for  the  burn 
ing  sun — the  wasting  toils — the  rending  anxieties — for  the 
scorn  and  contumely,  with  which  they  were  treated — for 
the  premature  arid  inglorious  graves  into  which  many  of 
them  were  buried — and  for  the  pangs  inflicted  on  their 
Christian  and  their  faithful  hearts.  (Loud  cheers.)  They 
had  been  told,  too,  that  if  they  were  the  disinterested  per 
sons  whom  they  were  represented,  they  should  go  to  the 
wilds  of  Africa,  and  amidst  its  deserts  and  sands  should  in 
culcate  the  divine  truths  which  they  preached  in  the  isl 
ands.  And  so  they  did — on  the  banks  of  the  Gambia 
they  were  found,  long  ago,  striving  in  the  great  cause  to 
which  they  were  devoted,  nnd  finding  a  grave  upon  the 
banks  of  that  far-famed  river.  With  all  the  perils  of  the 
task,  palpable  to  them,  did  these  holy  men  set  forth,  from 
their  native  land,  to  preach  the  gospel  of  redemption  to  the 
oppressed  people  of  those  climes;  but  the  earth  had  not 
made  its  revolution  round  the  sun — the  season  had  no,t 


AT    SALFORD.  161 

gone  by,  ere,  in  Western  Africa,  their  remains  were  gather 
ed  to  their  fathers,  and  their  spirits  went  to  their  reward. 
(Loud  applause)  They  were  to  be  found  with  the  Lap 
lander  midst  his  snows — if  they  would  go  to  the  plains  of 
Hindostan  they  would  find  them  there,  striving  to  stay  the 
rolling  car  of  Juggernaut — to  stop  the  misguided  hand  of 
a  parent  who  was  about  to  offer  an  unoffending  victim,  in 
penitence  for  an  imaginary  wrong — they  might  be  seen 
snatching  the  infant  from  the  waters  of  the  Ganges,  or 
tearing  it  from  the  jaws  of  the  crocodile.  In  the  temple 
of  the  Brahmin,  in  the  hut  of  the  negro,  in  the  wigwam 
of  the  Australian — north,  east,  south  and  west,  they  might 
be  found,  to  convict  their  libellers  of  falsehood,  of  irreligion, 
and  of  impiety.  (Long-continued  plaudits.)  Mr.  Thomp 
son  contended  that  the  slave-system  caused,  as  they  knew, 
an  absence  of  sympathy  between  England  and  her  colo 
nies — that  it  washer  se  instable — that  in  every  way  it  was 
impolitic — that  it  was  a  possitive  infraction  of  the  consti 
tution,  and  that  it  was  based  in  cowardice.  For  where  did 
we  seek  our  slaves  ;  did  we  go  among  the  warlike  people 
of  the  earth,  or  did  we  not  rather  select  the  most  grateful — 
the  most  peaceable  race,  thus  rendering  those  very  attri 
butes  which  should  constitutes  a  claim  to  our  regard,  and 
induce  us  to  throw  over  them  the  shield  of  our  power — in 
citements  to  our  cupidity. 

Mr.  Thompson  then  observed  : — 

There  is  one  branch  of  this  momentous  question  to  which 
I  desire  to  draw  your  serious  attention  : — 

1st.  Because  it  has  been  made  the  foundation  of  a  de 
fence  of  slavery  as  it  now  exits  in  our  dominions. 

2nd.  Because  it  appeals  to  the  feelings  of  that  portion  of 
the  community  which,  above  all  others,  I  am  desirous  of 
seeing  among  the  friends  of  negro  emancipation. 

3rd.  Because  it  involves  the  high  consideration,  wheth 
er  unto  us  belongs  a  discretionary  power  to  act  towards 
our  fellow-men  as  we  are  now  acting  towards  our  colonial 
bondsmen;  and 

4th.  Becau.se  it  affects  the  honor  and  equity  of  that 
Being  'who  doeth  according  to  his  willin  the  army  of 
Heaven,  and  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  earth.' 

That  part  of  the  subject  is  this;  the  abstract  sinfulncss 
of  holding  men  in  personal  thraldom.  In  other  words,  can 

14* 


102  LECTURE 

any  circumstances  justify  men  in  holding  their  fdlvw-m  en 
in  slavery,  without  incurring  guilt  liy  so  doing  1  I  answer, 
tES  ;  and  the  existence  or  non-existence  of  certain  circum 
stances  creates  the  justification,  or  occasions  the  guilt  of 
the  man-stealer  or  the  slave-holder.  When  such  circum 
stances  are  present  he  \sjvstrficd.  When  ihey  are  abstnt 
he  is  guilty.  It  is  argued,  by  an  advocate  on  the  other  side, 
that  SLAVERY  in  the  abstract  is  nut  SINFUL;  that  is  to  say, 
to  steal  a  man,  and  hold  him  in  bondage,  IB  not prima  facie 
a  SIN.  I  humbly  and  submissively  contend  that  it  is  a  sin 
so  to  do,  and  I  will  proceed  to  give  my  reasons  : — *  To  the 
law  and  to  the  testimonity.'  '  In  the  beginning  GOD 
created  the  heavens  and  the  earth  ;'  and  when  he  had 
beautified  the  heavens  and  adorned  the  earth,  he  said,  *  Let 
us  make  man  in  our  image,  alter  ecu  likeness;  and  let 
him  have  dominion  over  the  fish  of  the  tea,  and  over  the 
fowl  of  the  air,  and  over  the  cattle,  and  over  all  the  earth, 
and  over  every  creeping  thing  that  creepeth  upon  the 
earth.'  '  And  it  was  so  ;'  for  the  '  Lord  God  formed  men 
out  of  the  dust  of  the  ground,  and  breathed  into  his  nos- 
trels  the  breath  of  life;  and  man  became  a  living  toul.1 
Then  started  into  being  that  awful — that  tnysttriovs — 
that  inexplicable  compound  Max — that  masterpiece  of  the 
creation.  Man! — erect — rational — pure — immortal  Man! 
—  Man  !  the  lord  of  I  he  creation — the  monarch  of  the 
world — the  favorite  of  heaver: — the  possessor  of  a  death 
less  spirit — the  heir  of  an  denial  destiny.  Was  he  then 
a  slave  ?  No  !  not  even  to  Deity  itself  ;  he  held  the  migh 
ty  power  to  eternize  his  being  and  his  bliss;  or  bring  into 
the  fair  and  spotless  world  of  heaven's  munificence  the 
monster  death  and  all  imaginable  woe.  He  fell- — freely  he 
fell.  Behold  him  where  he  lies  ;  a  noble  pile  in  ruins  1 
Yet  survey  those  ruins  ;  how  costly — how  magnificent — 
how  imperishable  are  the  fragments  !  That  HE  might  with 
those  fragments  build  himself  a  living  temple,  the  Archi 
tect  of  the  universe  did  not  withhold  his  Sen, — His  only 
Son — but  gave  him  up  up  to  death  that  he  might  lay  in  Zion, 
for  a  foundation,  a  a  stone — a  chief  corner-stone,  elect 
and  precious  to  give  stability,  and  life  and  eternal  dura 
tion  to  the  fabric  of  his  everlasting  love.  Oh  ! 

How  poor,  how  rich,  how  abject,  how  augntt, — 
Hew  complicate,  htw  wonderful,  is  Alau  ! 


AT    8ALFORD.  1  63 

Distinguish'd  link  in  being's  endless  chain  ! 
Midway  from  nothing  to  the  Deity  ! 
A  beam  etherial  sully'd  andabsorpt  ! 
Though  sully'd  and  dishonor'd,  still  divine  ! 
What  can  preserve  his  life  1 — or  what  destroy  1 
An  angel's  arm  can't  snatch  him  from  the  grave ; 
Legions  of  angels  can't  confine  him  there. 

Such  a  being  is  Man,  find  him  where  you  may ;  however 
rude,  however  wretched,  of  whatever  color,  of  whatever 
clime — a  being  born  for  immortality — as  precious  in  the 
sight  of  heaven  and  in  the  covenant  of  grace,  as  the  fairest 
among  the  sons  of  men,  though  he  should  centre  in  him 
self  the  learing  of  a  Johnson  and  the  genius  of  a  Milton — 
and  the  philosophy  of  a  Bacon  and  the  imagination  of  a 
Shakspeare, — a  being  who  may  soar  as  high  in  heaven, 
and  who  will  live  as  long  in  eternity  as  the  proudest  and 
wisest  of  the  children  of  men. 

But  to  return  to  the  argument. before  us  ;  the  commands 
of  GOD  touching  the  enslavement  of  any  member  of  the 
human  family  arc  explicit.  1st.  '  Thou  shalt  not  steal.' 
This  command,  which  has  reference  to  all  descriptions  of 
robbery,  must  include  the  stealing  of  men,  which  is  univer 
sally  allowed  to  be  the  worst  description  of  robbery  that 
can  be  committed.  2d.  '  Thou  shalt  not  covet  thy  neigh 
bour's  house,  wife,  man-servant,  maid-servant,  ox,  ass,  nor 
any  thing  that  is  thy  neighbor's.'  Now  I  ask — is  there  be 
longing  to  a  man  any  thing  more  precious  than  his  own  per- 
zon,  his  own  liberty?  and  if  the  desire  to  possess  the  house,  or 
ox,  or  ass  of  our  neighbor  be  sinful,  is  it  not  equally  so,  nay, 
more  so,  to  covet  his/z/e  his  limbs,  his  wife,  and  his  child- 
cm  ?  3rd.  In  Exodus  21st,  6th,  we  read  '  He  that  sleal- 
etli  a  man  and  selleth  him,  or  if  he  be  found  in  his  hand 
he  shall  surely  be  put  to  death.'  We  see  here  in  what 
estimation  the  Almighty  held  the  crime  of  stealing  men. 
Again,  Deut.  24th.,  7  v.,  '  If  a  man  be  found  stealing  any 
of  his  brethren  of  the  children  of  Israel,  and  maketh  mer 
chandise  of  him,  or  selleth  him,  then  that  thief  shall  die  :  and 
thou  shalt  put  away  evil  from  among  you.'  Maimonidcs, 
Jarchi,  and  the  Mis/inic  Doctors,  interpret  these  laws  in 
their  strictest  sense  ;  with  regard  to  the  latter  one,  they  say, 
that  in  the  term  '  brethren  of  the  children  of  Israel/  are 
included  the  old  and  the  young,  the  male  and  the  female  ; 


164  LECTURE 

the  Israelite  and  the  Jewish  proselyte  ;  and  'making  mer 
chandise,'  as  using  a  man  against  his  will,  as  a  servant 
lawfully  purchased,  yea,  though  he  should  use  his  services 
only  to  the  value  of  a  farthing,  or  use  but  his  arm  to  lean 
upon  or  support  him,  if  he  be  forced  so  to  act  as  a  servant, 
the  person  compelling  him  but  once  to  do  so,  shall  die  as  a 
a  thief,  whether  he  has  sold  him  or  not.  These  passages, 
I  think,  clearly  point  out  to  us  what  should  be  our  conduct 
under  ordinary  circumstances.  They  teach  us  that  we  are 
not  to  steal  at  all,  not  to  covet  at  all,  and  that  the  stealing 
of  men,  the  making  me rchandise  of  men,  the  forcing  of  men 
to  serve  against  tlicir  will,  are  crimes  considered  worthy 
of  DEATH.  The  passage  so  often  quoted,  to  prove  that 
slavery  is  not  sinful,  is  to  be  found  in  the  25th  of  Leviticus, 
from  the  39th  to  the  46th  verses,  inclusive.  It  is,  however, 
upon  the  45th  and  46th  verses  that  the  argument  is  prin 
cipally  built;  they  read  thus  : — 

*  Moreover  of  the  children  of  the  strangers  that  do  sojourn  among  you,  of 
them  shall  ye  buy,  and  of  their  families  that  are  with  you,  which  they  begat 
in  your  land  :  and  they  shall  be  vour  possession.  And  ye  shall  take  them  as 
an  inheritance  for  your  children  after  you,  to  inherit  them  for  a  possession; 
they  shall  be  your  possession;  they  shall  be  your  bondmen  forever;  but  over 
your  brethren  the  children  of  Israel,  ye  shall  not  rule  one  over  another  with 
rigor. 

In  reference  to  this  passage  I  would  observe,  that,  to 
me,  it  appears  highly  probable  that  the  expression,  '  for 
ever,'  in  the  text  before  us,  does  not  apply  to  the  bondmen 
here  spoken  of  individually,  but  collectively  :  as  the  tenth 
verse  seems  to  promise  liberty  to  ALL,  both  Jew  and  Gen' 
tile,  at  the  year  of  Jubilee.  f; 

'  And  ye  shall  hallow  the  fiftieth  year,  and  proclaim  liberty  thrcighcut  all 
the  land,  unto  AM.  the  inhabitants  thereof;  and  ye  shall  ietuine\erj  man 
unto  his  possession,  and  ye  shall  return  every  man  unto  his  family.' 

From  this  passage  I  infer,  that,  although  the  Jews  were  to 
be  permitted  to  obtain  bondmen  from  among  the  strangers 
who  sojourned  in  the  land  during  the  continuance  of  the 
Mosaic  dispensation,  yet  at  the  year  of  general  redemption 
those  who  had  been  reduced  to  active  service  were  to 
share  the  benefit  of  the  proclamation,  leaving  the  Israelites 
to  supply  their  places  by  others,  who,  there  is  no  doubt, 
might  be  obtained  without  any  difficulty.  Let  us  for  a 
moment  look  at  this  slavery. 

1st.  Who  were  the  '  heathen  round  about  ? '  'the  strang- 


AT    SALFORD.  165 

ers  who  sojourned  in  the  land  1  '  They  were  remnants  of 
nations,  who  had  filled  up  the  measure  of  their  iniquity, 
and  against  whom  the  wrath  of  God  was  therefore  revealed, 
even  '  unto  death.' 

2d.  They  were  the  inhabitants  of  a  land  promised  for 
many  centuries  to  the  descendants  of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and 
Jacob.  A  land  that  was  to  be  purged  from  the  pollution  of 
idolatry,  and  the  most  abounding  profligacy,  and  become 
the  theatre  of  the  most  stupendous  events,  and  be  pecu 
liarly  characterised  by  '  Holiness  to  the  Lord.' 

3d.  The  bond  service  to  which  they  were  subjected 
was  almost,  in  all  respects,  perfectly  dissimilar  to  the  de 
grading  slavery  which  now  prevails  in  the  West  Indies. 
In  the  majority  of  instances  being  only  the  payment  of 
tribute,  leaving  them  at  liberty  to  avail  themselves  of  every 
just  means  of  acquiring  wealth  ;  and  only  preventing  them 
from  becoming  possessors  of  the  soil  which  God  had  given 
to  his  '  peculiar  people.'.  Purchased  servants  were  to  be 
treated  with  especia  kindness,  and  seem,  in  most  cases,  to 
have  been  a  superior  order  of  dependants.  Hired  servants 
appear  to  have  been  among  the  meanest  of  those  who  bore 
the  name  of  servants  among  the  heathen,  and  were  gener 
ally  employed  as  hewers  of  wood,  and  drawers  of  water, 
or,  in  other  words,  as  the  bearers  of  burdens — persons  en 
gaged  in  the  lowest  occupations. 

4th.  Their  treatment  as  servants  was  to  be  invariable 
distinguished  by  kindness  ;  maltreatment  entitled  them  to 
instant  release  ;  the  Sabbath  w;is  theirs;  the  court  of  the 
Gentiles  was  theirs;  the  way  of  access  to  all  the  bene 
fits  temporal  and  spiritual  of  the  Jewish  religion  was 
theirs;  as  heathens,  they  were  to  be  treated  with  uniform 
justice  and  tenderness  ;  as  proselytes  or  converts,  in  all 
respects  as  brethren.  I  might,  if  I  had  time,  arid  it  were 
necessary,  fully  show  you  from  the  inspired  volume,  that, 
so  far  from  magnifying  the  comforts  and  privileges  of  the 
bond  servants,  under  the  Mosaic  economy,  I  have  very 
much  curtailed  the  list  of  their  advantages.  I  might 
quote  the  laws  which  bound  the  Israelites,  under  the  heav 
iest  penalties,  to  observe  a  course  of  kindness  to  the  slaves  ; 
I  might  specify  the  arrangements  made  for  their  instruction 
and  conversion.  I  might  enumerate  the  threatnings  and 
denunciations  of  God  against  their  oppressors,  when  they 


166  LECTURE. 

had  any,  and  then,  also,  the  execution  of  those  threats  in 
a  variety  of  awful  and  premonitory  instances  ;  but  I  for 
bear,  and  earnestly  reccommend  all  present  to  peruse  with 
care  the  first  five  books  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  mark 
what  is  written  respecting  'strangers/  '  strangers  within 
the  gate,'  in  coritra-distinction  to  casual  visitors, — STRAN 
GERS  THAT  SOJOURN  AMONGST  YOU,' — servants  and  bond- 
men,'  for  under  these  five  denominations  are,  I  believe, 
included  all  the  bond-servants  among  the  Hebrews,  save 
those  of  their  own  nation. 

5th.  Having  noticed  the  source  from  whence  the  Jews 
obtained  their  slaves — and  the  mode  of  treatment  to 
which  they  were  subjected,  I  proceed  to  observe  that  this 
institution  was  by  direct  appointment  of  the  Almighty, 
and  appears  to  have  been  a  commutation  of  a  sentence  of 
death  originally  pronounced  upon  the  Canaanitish  and 
Philistine  nations,  the  previous  possessors  of  the  soil — 
let  this  be  well  remembered — the  Divine  head  of  the  Jew 
ish  Theocracy,  appointed,  permitted,  regulated,  slavery. 
He  was  the  God  and  Father  and  Legislator  of  the  people 
of  Israel.  The  God  also  of  the  heathen  round  about, 
though  they  knew  him  not — nor  feared  his  name — re 
member,  too,  that  he  is  a  being  above  all  law,  save  those 
eternal  rules  which  are  inseparable  from  his  nature,  that 
He  is  the  source  of  law  to  the  universe;  that  revealed 
codes  are  for  man  and  not  for  God — and  then,  I  think,  you 
will  perceive  that  slavery  might  exist  among  the  Jews,  and 
yet  not  furnish  us  with  an  example  to  be  followed,  nor  do 
any  thing  towards  establishing  our  right  to  be  the  holders 
of  slaves.  The  appointment  of  slavery  by  God  is  one  of 
the  circumstances  which  justifies  slavery — but  the  mo 
ment,  the  sanction  of  God  is  withdrawn,  the  authority  of 
man  is  at  an  end,  and  he  is  left  to  regulate  his  moral  con 
duct  by  the  revealed  law,  every  violation  of  which  is  an 
offence  against  his  Creator. 

Cth.  It  does  not  appear  that  to  man  was  given  a  discretion 
ary  power  to  bring  into  bondage  any  portion  of  his  fellow 
men — on  the  contrary — the  most  fearful  punishments  are 
assigned  to  those  who  are  guilty  of  any  infraction  of  the 
law  in  that  respect.  Had  such  a  discretionary  power  been 
ever  given — in  the  day  when  it  was  so  given,  the  moral  law 
would  have  been  in  effect  annulled.  In  all  cases,  howev 


AT    SALFORD.  167 

er,  the  Jews  were  but  agents,  instruments,  and  ministers 
of  vengeance  in  the  hands  of  the  Almighty,  and  were  re 
peatedly  chastised  for  assuming  and  exercising  a  power 
not  delegated  to  them  by  their  Supreme  Head.  The  Jews, 
however,  were  showing  their  obedience  as  much  in  the  de 
struction  of  the  Canaanites  as  in  the  offering  of  appointed 
sacrifices — in  the  observance  of  arrangements  regarding 
slavery,  as  in  the  performance  of  any  religious  service  en 
joined  upon  them.  But  what  is  the  use  made  of  the  fact, 
that  God  commanded  the  enslavement  of  the  Canaanitish 
nations'?  It  is  this — that  therefore  slavery  is  not  sinful  in 
the  abstract,  and  therefore  we  may  hold  men  in  -slavery 
and  be  guiltless.  See,  for  a  moment,  where  this  would  lead 
us.  It  would  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the  judgments 
and  punishments  which  God  has  at  any  time  commanded 
and  authorised  his  own  special  people,  his  avowed  and 
recognised  servants,  to  inflict  upon  nations  arid  individu 
als,  may,  in  strict  conformity  with  religion  and  morality,  be 
inflicted  by  men  upon  their  fellow-men  at  any  time — at 
any  place,  and  without  any  such  authority  or  command. 
By  the  decree  of  the  Most  High,  a  father  was  command 
ed  to  sacrifice  his  son — Elijah  was  empowered  to  slay  the 
false  prophets,  and  the  Israelites  were  enjoined  to  put  to 
death  some,  and  to  enslave  others  of  the  idolatrous  people 
whom  they  conquered  in  war,  and,  therefore,  we  have  a 
moral  and  religious  right  to  do  any  or  similar  things,  with 
out  any  similar  warrant,  sanction,  or  authority.  Excellent 
logic!  Excellent  theology!  To  contend  that  the  en 
slavement  of  men  is  not  sinful  from  the  circumstance  of 
its  having  been  permitted  by  God,  in  the  case  argued,  is 
unreasonable,  unscripfural,  impious,  and  blasphemous. 

Were  the  negroes  of  Western  Africa  in  the  same  cir 
cumstances  as  the  Canaanites? 

Is  the  slavery  in  the  West  Indies  like  the  slavery  among 
the  Jews  ?  It  is  absurd  and  wicked  to  denote  the  two  con 
ditions  by  the  same  term.  When  light  becomes  darkness, 
and  kindness  becomes  cruelty,  and  justice  and  mercy,  in 
justice  and  oppression,  then  name  them  together,  and  not 
before,  unless  you  be  found  guilty  of  upholding  an  abom 
ination  by  the  prostitution  of  the  word  of  God. 

Is  Africa  a  land  promised  to  us  for  a  possession,  and  are 
we  commanded  to  drive  out  and  utterly  destroy  its  inhabi 
tants.  ? 


168  LECTURE 

Has  West  India  slavery  the  sanction  of  the  Almighty  ? 

Can  we  demonstrate  our  right  to  exercise  a  discretion 
ary  power  of  enslaving  our  fellow-men  ? 

If  British  colonial  slavery  was  wrong  in  its  commence 
ment,  can  we  show  at  which  event,  in  the  series  connect 
ing  the  first  seizure  with  the  present  possession,  the  change 
from  wrong  to  right  took  place  ?  If,  however,  it  is  admit 
ted  that  colonial  slavery  was  wrong  in  its  commencement, 
and  is  still  an  evil  and  a  sin,  what  becomes  of  the  '  ab 
stract  view,'  and  from  the  deductions  made  from  it  ?  If  it 
be  argued  that  it  must  be  done  gradually— where  is  the 
scriptural  proof? 

Did  God  ever  keep  men  in  slavery  to  prepare  them  for 
freedom  ?  Do  not  the  Oracles  of  God  declare,  '  Live 
peaceably  with  all  men.  Revenge  not  yourselves,  but 
rather  give  plnce  unto  wrath  :  for  it  is  written,  Vengeance 
is  mine:  I  will  repay  it  saith  the  Lord  ? '  Are  we,  then,  to 
put  ourselves  on  an  equality  with  God  1  Shall  we 

Snatch  from  his  hand  the  balance  and  the  rod, 
Rejuilge  his  justice,  be  the  God  of  God  1 

Let  these  questions  be  pondered,  let  them  be  answered 
in  the  fear  of  God,  and  in  reference  to  eternity. 

I  will  not  detain  you — I  might  say,  insult  you,  after  the 
addresses  I  have  already  delivered  in  this  town,  by  going 
into  the  views  of  Christianity  on  this  subject.  You  require 
no  proof  to-night  that  the  religion  of  Christ  is  a  religion 
of  love,  and  that  it  never  has,  it  never  can,  sanction  for  a 
moment,  so  foul,  so  inhuman,  so  impious,  and  murderous 
a  system  as  that  of  BRITISH  WEST  INDIA  SLAVERY. 

Mr.  Thompson  then  proceeded  to  expose  the  various 
contradictions  of  his  opponents, — proved  the  absolute  ne 
cessity  of  IMMEDIATE  emancipation — congratulated  the 
meeting  upon  the  view  recently  taken  of  the  question  by 
the  leading  daily  journals  in  London,  read  a  very  power 
ful  leading  article  from  the  Morning  Chronicle,  of  Satur 
day,  the  13th  instant  (which  will  be  found  at  the  conclu 
sion  of  this  outline,)  and  conclued  as  follows: — 

And  now  I  would  humbly,  but  earnestly,  call  upon  all 
present  to  join  in  this  work  of  mercy,  and  labor  of  love. 

Christian   Ministers !    I   call   first    upon    you ;    ye    are 


AT    SALFORD.  169 

ambassadors  for  God — your  God  is  a  God  of  love,  your 
mission  a  mission  of  mercy,  your  message  a  message  of 
salvation — 

By  you  the  violated  law  speaks  out 

Its  thunders,  and  by  you,  in  strains  as  sweet 

As  angels  use,  the  gospel  whispers  peace* 

Tn  the  name  of  the  law,  which,  by  slavery,  is  dishonored, 
violated,  and  trampled  in  the  dust;  in  the  name  of  the 
gospel,  whose  precepts  and  provisions  are  by  slavery  and  its 
abettors  despised  and  rejected  ;  in  the  name  of  that  God 
— the  giver  of  that  law,  and  the  author  and  finisher  of  that 
gospel  of  salvation — I  call  upon  you  to  denounce  this  evil, 
to  lift  up  your  voice  against  it,  to  cry  aloud  and  spare  not 
until  it  ceases  to  '  make  merchandise  of  the  bodies  and 
the  souls  of  men.' 

Philanthropists! — lovers  of  mankind — I  call  upon  you, 
ye  who  would  raise  the  fallen,  cheer  the  faint,  who  would 
lessen  the  amount  of  human  wretchedness,  who  would 
wipe  the  weeping  eye  and  gladden  the  sinking  heart,  who 
would  that  our  wide-spread  race  should  be  a  family  of  love 
— join  us  in  the  cause  of  humanity  :  Oh,  weep  with  the 
wretched  mother  who  may  not  call  her  offspring  her  own  ; 
Oh,  sympathise  with  those  whom  a  cruel  system  would  put 
beyond  the  pale  of  our  constitution  and  our  faith  •  let  your 
best  energies  be  given  to  this  holy  undertaking,  nor  slacken 
your  endeavors  until  mercy  shall  prevail  over  cruelty,  jus 
tice  triumph  over  oppression  and  tyranny,  and  the  lovely 
isles  of  the  west,  after  ages  and  centuries  of  murder,  op 
pression,  and  woe,  shall  become  the  abode  of  the  happy 
and  free  peasant,  and  reverberate  with  the  song  of  glad 
ness,  and  the  praises  of  the  true  and  living  God. 

Patriots  !  Ye  who  love  your  country,  to  whom  its  honor, 
its  character  and  independence  are  dear,  unite  with  us  to 
rid  our  beloved  country  from  this  foul  curse  ;  let  not  any 
portion  of  its  greatness  rest  upon  the  degradation  of  its 
children  ;  talk  not  of  victory  while  this  conquest  remains 
to  be  achieved  ;  boast  not  of  our  constitution  whilst  its 
benefits  are  withheld  from  the  negro;  let  heroes  seek  for 
laurels  upon  the  ensanguined  plain,  '  let  others  strive  to 
exalt  their  country's  greatness  by  advancing  the  arts,  and 
adding  to  our  stock  of  scientific  knowledge,  do  ye  unite 
15 


170  LECTURE 

with  us  to  win  a  bloodless  triumph  over  your  country's  worst 
foes — the  avarice,  the  despotism  and  impiety  that  would 
sink  a  nation's  fame,  and  bring  upon  it  the  wrath  of  GOD, 
to  gratify  a  lust  of  power,  and  add  to  the  unhallowed 
wealth  of  the  tormentor  of  his  species. 

I  look  around  me,  and  I  see  many  belonging  to  that  com 
munity  whose  religious  profession  amounts  almost  to  a 
pledge  of  devotion  to  this  glorious  cause.  Need  I  *ay  any 
thing  to  stimulate  your  zeal,  and  dispose  you  to  act 
worthy  your  name  and  connexion  ;  need  I  remind  you  of 
the  struggles,  the  sacrifices  and  disinterested  ardor  of  the 
Friends  of  past  ages,  and  of  the  noble  endeavors  making 
by  many  amongst  you  at  the  present  hour  ?  No  ;  I  would 
fain  believe  that  there  is  not  one  Friend  here  who  is  not 
self-devoted  to  the  cause  of  negro  emancipation.  But  still, 
suffer  me  to  remind  you,  with  all  possible  respect  and  love, 
that  the  present  is  a  moment  demanding  even  more  than 
wonted  zeal.  I  implore  you,  by  the  memory  of  a  Wool- 
man,  and  a  Benezet,  and  every  champion  of  this  hallowed 
cause  now  gathered  to  his  fathers,  to  aid  us  at  the  present 
juncture,  with  the  full  measure  of  your  sympathy,  your 
exertions,  and  your  influence — so  shall  you  see  the  dearest 
object  of  your  hearts  accomplished,  and,  instead  of  still 
mourning  over  the  unredressed  wrongs  of  an  injured  popu 
lation,  see  peace  and  piety,  and  intellectual  improvement, 
extending  to  the  many  colored  tribes  of  the  west,  and  the 
fruits  of  virtue,  and  knowledge,  and  religion  appearing 
where  only  ignorance,  and  vice,  and  cruelty  once  reigned. 

Come,  then,  ye  lovers  of  peace — ye  votaries  of  mercy 
— complete  the  work  begun  in  ages  past,  by  your  uncom 
promising  forefathers,  aad  soon  shall  the  shouts  of  ransom 
ed  thousands  proclaim  the  field  your  own,  and  the  sable 
child  of  your  adoption,  trampling  on  the  rusting  chains  of 
his  degradation,  exclaim  with  beaming  eye  and  with  a 
bursting  heart,  '  NOW  I  am  a  man  and  a  brother.' 

Christians!  I  look  with  confidence  towards  you  ;  yours 
is  a  religion  of  love,  a  religion  of  liberty;  you  know  that 
the  love  of  Christ  in  your  own  bosoms  expands  them  to 
embrace  all  mankind, — you  desire  *  that  the  word  of  the 
Lord  may  have  free  course  and  be  glorified,  even  as  it  is 
with  you;'  you  know  that  '  righteousness  exalteth  a  na 
tion,  but  sin  is  a  reproach  to  any  people ; '  you  know  that 


AT    SALFORD.  171 

1  to  obey  is  better  than  sacrifice,  arid  to  hearken  than  the 
fat  of  ranis  ; '  you  know  that  it  is  written,  '  If  tliou  forbear 
to  deliver  them  that  are  drawn  unto  death,  and  those  that 
are  ready  to  be  slain  ;  if  thou  sayest,  Behold  we  knew  it 
not;  doth  riot  he  that  pondereth  the  heart  consider  it? 
and  he  that  keepeth  thy  soul,  doth  he  not  know  it?  and 
shall  he  riot  render  to  every  man  according  to  his  works  ? ' 
Unite,  then,  with  us  to  rid  the  nation  and  the  earth  of 
their  most  foul  and  guilt-contracting  blot ;  let  the  remem 
brance  of  demolished  temples,  their  ruins  still  upon  the 
earth — of  desecrated  altars — of  banished  missionaries — of 
thousands  of  meek  disciples  of  Christ,  persecuted  for  their 
attachment  to  the  truths  of  Christianity — let  these  recol 
lections  act  upon  your  hearts,  your  consciences,  your 
hands,  your  heads,  and  in  your  families,  and  in  your  con 
gregations,  and  in  the  world  be  the  champions  of  the  dis 
tressed — despised,  and  almost  destroyed — so  shall  the 
blessing  of  those  who  are  ready  to  perish  come  upon  you, 
and  GOD,  even  your  own  GOD  shall  cause  his  face  to  shine 
upon  you,  and  his  richest  consolations  to  inhabit  your 
hearts. 

And  now,  I  ask,  in  this  solemn  hour,  in  this  sacred 
place,  upon  this  spirit-stirring  and  most  interesting  occa 
sion — who  in  this  assembly  is  willing  to  consecrate  his 
service  this  night  unto  the  Lord?  Let  all  who  feel  the 
claims  of  human  misery  pressing  upon  their  hearts,  who 
wish  to  see  the  monster  slavery  expire  beneath  the  hand  of 
British  Christian  benevolence ;  let  all  who  have  trust  in 
the  omnipotence  of  truth,  and  confidence  in  the  GOD  of 
everlasting  love  ;  let  all  who  now  desiro,  and  pray  for,  and 
would  effectuate  the  instant,  total,  and  eternal  overthrow 
of  the  accursed  system,  and  are  waiting  to  build  upon  its 
ruins  a  temple  of  harmony,  concord,  peace  and  love,  wit 
ness  these  their  wishes  and  intentions,  before  heaven 
and  the  world,  by  holding  up  their  hands.  [The  call  was 
iwstantly  responded  to,  and  a  forest  of  hands  was  uplifted.] 

'Tis  done,  'tis  seen,  it  will  be  known,  it  will  be  record 
ed  in  heaven,  and  on  earth  ;  'tis  wise  ;  'tis  well  so  to  re 
solve — 'tis  still  better  to  act  on  such  resolutions.  Patriots! 
Philanthropists  !  Christians  of  every  name  !  Ministers  of 
God  !  we  are  now  ONE — this  night  beholds  the  renewal  of 
our  pledge,  to  wage  a  war  of  extermination  with  cruelty, 


172  LECTURE 

vice,  and  despotism  in  their  strong  hold.  '  In  the  name  of 
our  GOD,  let  us  set  up  our  banner,'  and  inscribe  upon  it, 
'  Fiat  justitia  ruat  coelum.'  With  this  above  our  heads, 
let  us  proceed  onwards  to  the  battle — victory  shall  sit  upon 
our  helm,  heaven  shall  smile  upon  our  host,  conquest  shall 
crown  our  struggle,  and  mankind  in  future  ages  shall  point 
to  the  abolition  of  colonial  slavery,  as  the  commencement 
of  an  era  the  most  benign  and  brilliant  the  world  has  ever 
seen. 

Mr.  Thompson  concluded  his  energetic,  eloquent,  and 
convincing  adddress  at  a  quarter  past  nine,  amidst  the  en 
thusiastic  plaudits  of  an  enraptured  audience.  Through 
out  the  whole  of  Mr.  Thompson's  lengthened  observations, 
the  most  profound  and  breathless  attention  was  manifest 
ed,  interrupted  only  by  the  involuntary  bursts  of  applause 
which  the  more  splendid  and  heart-stirring  portions  of  his 
able  speech  called  forth.  One  feeling  only  seemed  to  per 
vade  the  vast  assembly,  and  that,  a  feeling  of  hallowed  de 
votion  to  the  godlike  cause  of  negro  civilization  and  re 
demption.  A  deep  conviction  seemed  to  rest  upon  all,  that 
the  hour  had  arrived — an  hour  too  long  delayed — for  the 
opening  of  the  prison  doors  of  the  oppressed,  and  the  po 
litical  salvation  of  the  deeply  injured  thousands  of  our 
enslaved  population.  No  portion  of  the  lecturer's  remarks 
were  more  cordially  responded  to,  than  those  which  en 
forced  the  justice  and  necessity  of  immediate  emancipa 
tion. 

Mr.  Thompson  seemed  considerably  exhausted  at  the 
termination  of  his  arduous  but  well-executed  task.  We 
understand  that  Mr.  Thompson  has  received  the  most  flat 
tering  invitations  to  visit  the  principal  places  in  all  the  sur 
rounding  counties.  We  earnestly  hope  that  his  health  may 
be  spared  to  prosecute  his  valuable  labors  to  a  happy  and 
glorious  consummation. 


(  173  ) 
NOTE. 

[From  the  London  Morning  Chronicle,  Sept.  1832.] 

A  Jamaica  pnper  of  the  1st  of  August  has  been  received. 
In  the  absence  of  events,  the  bitter  animosity  against  the 
Baptists  and  other  sectarians  may  deserve  a  rejrnark.  Res 
olutions  were  moved  and  carried  at  a  public  meeting,  to 
extirpate  them,  if  possible,  from  the  island  ;  but  notice 
had  been  given  by  the  ATTORNEY  GENERAL,  that  several 
of  the  resolutions  were  illegal.  However,  in  order  not  to 
be  intimidated,  all  the  resolutions  were  unanimously  pnss- 
ed,  and  among  them,  the  following  atrocious  Declar 
ation  : — 

'  We,  the  undersigned,  most  solemnly  declare,  that  \ve  are  resolved,  at  the 
hazard  of  our  lives,  not  to  puffer  any  Baptist  or  other  sectarian  preacher  or 
teacher,  or  any  person  professedly  belonging  to  those  sects,  to  preach  or  to 
teach  in  any  house  in  towns,  or  in  any  districts  of  the  country  \\here  the  in 
fluence  of  the  Colonial  Union  extends;  and  this  we  do — maintaining 
the  purest  loyalty  to  his  majesty  king  WILLIAM  the  fourth,  as  well  as  the 
highest  veneration  fir  the  establi.-hed  religion,  in  defence  of  social  order, 
and  in  strict  conformity  with  th«^  laws  for  the  preservation  of  the  public 
peace — to  .-hiel  I  this  portion  of  his  majesty's  island  of  Jamaica  against  in 
surrection  and  future  destruction.' 

And  this  is  a  sample  of  what  we  may  expect  from  the 
gradual  amelioration  scheme.  The  truth  is,  and  it  cannot 
be  too  often  repented,  that  the  hostility  of  the  West  Indi 
ans  against  the  B  iplists  and  other  sectarians  is,  that  they 
perceived  that  they  were  in  earnest  to  improve  the  ne 
groes.  Slavery  is  not  susceptible  of  amelioration  ;  for,  in 
the  degree  iu  which  the  slave's  mind  is  enlarged,  his  dis 
satisfaction  with  his  condition  increases.  There  is  no  medi 
um  between  abject  prostration  and  complete  emancipation. 
All  the  attempts  to  bolster  up  slavery,  by  protectors  of 
slaves  and  otherwise,  only  make  the  matter  worse,  bjr 
weakening  the  authority  of  the  masters  over  the  slaves. 
The  momant  the  slave  ceases  to  be  wholly  and  entirely  in 
the  power  of  the  mister,  a  source  of  jealousy  betvven  them 
springs  up.  We  hold,  therefore,  that  emancipation,  full  and 
complete,  is  the  only  way  of  settling  the  question. 

The  sectarians  enjoy  the  confidence  of  the  negroes,  and 
15* 


174  NOTE. 

are  deeply  interested  in  their  improvement.  This  is  the 
head  and  front  of  their  offending,  in  the  eyes  of  the  West 
Indians.  But  who  are  the  sectarians?  Including  the 
serious  part  of  the  Church  of  England,  it  may  be  said  that 
the  sectarians  are  nine-tenths  of  the  population  of  the 
country.  They  are  determined,  too,  not  to  be  trifled  with. 
A  man  must,  indeed,  be  unable  to  see  the  wood  for  trees, 
if  he  do  not  see,  that  the  partisans  of  what  the  West  In 
dians  call  sectarians,  will  introduce  into  the  next  Parlia 
ment  a  sufficient  number  of  representatives,  prepared  to 
impose  on  the  government  the  necessity  of  bringing  the 
question  of  slavery  to  the  only  issue  worthy  of  a  moment's 
consideration — full  and  complete,  and  instant  emancipa 
tion,  leaving  the  question  of  compensation  to  be  afterwards 
settled. 


MR.  THOMPSON'S  SPEECH; 

Delivered  at  the  great  Anti-Colonization  Meeting,  in  Exe 
ter  Hall,  London,  July,  1833.  James  Cropper,  Esq.  in 
the  Chair. 

GEORGE  THOMPSON,  Esq.  in  rising  to  move  the  second 
resolution  said  : 

Sir,  before  I  address  myself  immediately  to  the  resolu 
tion  which  I  have  the  honor  to  submit  to  this  respectable 
meeting,  I  must  claim  permission  to  comment,  for  a  mo 
ment,  upon  what  I  cannot  but  designate  a  cruel  and  heart 
less  attempt  to  withdraw  our  minds  from  the  contemplation 
of  a  vast  amount  of  misery  inflicted  upon  2,000,000  of  our 
fellow  beings  by  the  wickedness  of  man,  by  directing  our 
attention  to  the  existence  of  partial  and  home  wretchedness 
which  I  am  sure  we  all  deplore,  and  are  desirous  of  mit 
igating.  (Hear,  hear.)  I  will  again  remind  the  honorable 
g  entleman  (Mr.  Hunt)  who  has  acted  this  unworthy  part 
of  what  he  seems  to  have  forgottten, — although  pressed 
upon  his  observation  year  after  year, — that  the  best  friends 
of  suffering  humanity  at  home  have  ever  been  the  warm 
and  sympathetic  friends  of  suffering  humanity  abroad. 
(Cheers.)  If  he  will  take  his  walks  along  the  paths  where 
benevolence  and  mercy  love  to  linger,  that  they  may  min* 
ister  comfort  and  assistance  to  the  miserable,  the  destitute, 
and  the  bereaved,  he  will  find  those  ministering  spirits  to 
be  those  who  have  been  the  readiest  to  devote  their  ener 
gies  to  the  glorious  work  of  universal  emancipation. 
(Hear,  hear,  and  cheers.)  Our  honorable  opponent  has, 
on  other  occasions,  committed  the  same  offence  against 
honor  and  good  breeding.  Instead  of  calling  meetings  of 
his  own,  to  denounce  the  wrongs  and  wretchedness  of  our 
unfortunate  factory  children,  and  thus  aiming  to  do  the 
work  he  pretends  to  love,  properly  and  efficiently,  he  satis- 


176  MR.  THOMPSON'S  SPEECH 

fies  himself  with  attending  anti-slavery  meetings,  and  seek 
ing  to  divert  the  attention  of  the  British  public  from  the 
slavery  in  the  \\  e&t  Indies  or  in  the  United  States,  by 
a  reference  to  the  oppressed  circumstances  of  a  poriion  of 
our  juvenile  population  at  home.  (Hear,  hear.)  I  must 
confess,  I  like  not  the  man  whose  vision  is  so  circumscrib 
ed  that  he  cannot  see  or  feel  it  to  be  his  duly  to  send  hia 
regards  beyond  the  narrow  circle  of  his  own  neighborhood. 
Had  he  chosen  the  motto  of  our  esteemed  friend,  Mr.  GAR 
RISON,  '  My  country  is  the  world,  my  countrymen  are  all 
mankind,'  he  would  not  have  been  found  to-day  among 
those  who  would  thwart  the  honest  and  philanthropic  pur 
poses  of  our  heart,  nor  have  himself  been  doomed  to  see  a 
resolution  of  his  own  unanimously  discarded  with  indig 
nation  and  disgust.  (Loud  cheers.)  But  the  gentleman 
says  he  is  the  enemy  of  black  slavery!  Believe  it — be 
cause  he  says  so — but,  that  you  may  believe,  it  never  glance 
at  his  deeds.  Believe  him  for  his  honor;  for  actions  he 
has  none  to  shew,  to  prove  his  hatred  of  the  deed. 
(Loud  cheers.)  Was  it  fair  in  that  gentleman,  igno 
rant  as  he  is  of  the  first  principles  of  the  great  ques 
tion  upon  which  our  minds  are  engaged,- — ignorant  of 
all  the  documents  upon  which  we  have  proceeded, — 
to  attempt  to  overthrow  our  proceedings?  (Hear,  hear.) 
Does  he  know  that  a  week  ago  last  Wednesday,  a  public 
meeting  was  held  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  British  Af 
rican  Colonization  Society,  for  the  settlement  of  free  per 
sons  of  color  or  their  descendants?  Does  he  know,  be 
sides,  that  this  meeting  is  convened  for  the  purpose,  amongst 
other  things,  of  exposing  the  real  object  sought  in  the  for 
mation  of  that  Society?  I  believe,  Sir,  the  gentleman  is 
utterly  ignorant  of  all  these  matters;  and  I  will  therefore 
venture,  with  your  permission,  to  inform  him  and  this  meet 
ing,  of  the  minner  in  which  this  bold  and  impudent  trick 
was  played  off. 

The  Society  I  have  referred  to,  proposes  to  be  a  BRITISH 
(mind!  British)  African  Colonization  Society,  to  effect 
the  following  purposes: — 1st.  To  humanize  and  civilize 
the  rude  inhabitants  of  Western  Africa  and  introduce 
commerce  and  the  arts  of  polished  life.  2nd.  to  extend 
the  knowledge  and  influence  of  the  Christian  religion  ; 
and  Srdly.  To  effect  the  abolitition  of  the  Slave  Trade. 

Now,  Sir,  it  is  specially  worthy  of  notice,  that  the  per- 


AT  EXETER  HALL.  177 

sons  who,  above  all  others,  were  most  likely  to  feel  a  deep 
and  lasting  interest  in  the  accomplishment  of  purposes  so 
high  and  holy,  as  those  which  I  have  specified — if  those  pur 
poses  were  to  be  achieved  by  holy  and  honorable  means — 
were  none  of  them  invited  to  the  meeting,  otherwise  than 
by  an  advertisement  in  the  public  papers.  Nay,  more — 
when  a  few  of  them  appeared  in  the  room  where  the  meet 
ing  was  held,  though  among  them  was  one  of  the  oldest, 
ablest  and  sincerest  of  the  friends  of  Africa,  Mr.  MACAULAY, 
(cheers,)  they  were  regarded  as  persons  likely  to  frustrate 
the  design  of  the  projectors,  and  were  designated,  by  the 
Chairman  and  others  upon  the  platform,  as  factious  disturb 
ers.  Not  one  of  the  leading  friends  of  Africa,  or  tlie  abo 
lition  of  slavery,  was  invited  to  take  a  part  in  the  proceed- 
ings  of  that  day  ;  though  it  was  held  at  a  time  most  fa 
vorable  to  their  attendance,  viz  :  when  they  were  in  Lon 
don  from  all  parts  of  the  Kingdom,  on  purpose  to  watch  the 
interests  of  the  black  man  in  the  British  Parliament.  Who, 
then,  called  the  meeting?  An  American!  (Hear,  hear.) 
Who  ended  that  meeting  ?  An  American  !  What  was 
the  real  object  of  that  meeting,  as  disclosed  in  the  last  re 
solution  ?  That  England  should  co-operate  with  America 
in  transporting  her  colored  population. 

Mr.  BUCKINGHAM — No,  not  transporting. 

Mr.  THOMPSON — Sir,  I  readily  grant  the  word  trans 
portation  was  not  introduced;  but  there  lies  the  wilful 
error — there  is  the  deceitfulnes  of  sin — there  is  the  subtle 
ty  of  Satan.  (Loud  cheers.)  Now,  Sir,  when  we  consid 
er  that  that  meeting  was  called  by  an  American — that 
from  its  proceedings  were  carefully  excluded  every  known 
and  influential  friend  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  and  the 
civilization  of  Africa — that  when  a  few  of  the  friends  of 
Africa  went  to  that  meeting,  they  were  treated  as  oppo 
nents — that  those  friends,  without  an  exception,  felt  them 
selves  constrained  to  oppose  the  proceedings  of  that  meet 
ing — and  when,  lastly,  although  the  Chairman  had  again 
and  again  declared  that  it  had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with 
the  American  Colonization  Society,  the  only  thing  absolute 
ly  proposed  to  be  done  by  the  Society  was  to  co-operate  with 
the  American  Colonization  Society.  I  am  quite  sure  that 
the  whole  affair  will  appear,  in  the  eyes  of  a  candid  public, 
as  a  mean,  dishonorable  and  impudent  attempt  to  decoy 
the  benevolent  inhabitants  of  this  country  into  copartner- 


J78  Mil.  THOMPSON'S  SPEECH 

ship  with  a  Society,  whose  principles  are  so  unsound  that 
whenever  alluded  to  by  myself  on  the  day  of  the  above 
meeting,  I  was  invariably  checked  by  the  Chairman,  and 
reproved  for  wandering  from  the  object  of  the  meeting. 

My  friend,  the  honorable  member  for  Sheffield,  (Mr. 
BUCKINGHAM,)  must  excuse  me  if  I  say,  that  the  ground  he 
has  assigned  lor  supporting  this  new  Society  was  nothing 
like  that  of  the  gentleman  behind  me,  (Mr.  ABRAHAMS.) 
The  latter  gentleman's  argument  was  all  cttttun.  (A  laugh*) 
Cotton  was  the  Alpha  and  Omega  of  his  speech.  The 
planting  of  cotton  trees  in  Africa  is  to  work  the  destruction 
of  shivery  in  the  United  States.  (A  laugh.)  The  argu 
ment  of  my  friend,  the  member  for  Sheffield,  is  based  upon 
the  possibility  of  a  superabundant  free  colored  population 
in  our  own  Colonies.  Looking  through  the  vista  of  future 
ages,  he  thinks  he  perceives  it  possible  that  there  may  be 
an  overgrown  population  of  blacks  in  our  dependencies, 
and  deems  it  exceedingly  wise  to  found  a  British  African 
Colonization  Society  in  the  }ear  1833,  that  three  or  four 
millions  of  \ears  subsequently  we  may  be  able  to  send  our 
redundant  colored  brethren  to  the  land  of  their  ancestors. 
(Loud  laughter.)  Now,  to  show  how  very  early  must  be 
the  arrival  of  that  period  when  it  will  be  necessary  to  fans- 
port — I  bea  your  pardon — induce  to  emigrate,  our  free  co 
lored  population,  I  may  observe  that  in  the  island  of  Ja 
maica  alone,  with  a  population  at  present  of  400,000  in 
habitants,  there  are  millions  of  acres  which  the  axe  has 
never  cleared,  which  the  spade  lias  never  delved,  and 
which  the  industry  and  ingenuity  of  man  have  never  made 
contributory -to  his  wants.  (Cheers.)  There  are,  in  our 
Colonies,  resources  of  subsistence  and  wealth  fora  popu 
lation  infinitely  larger  than  that  which  at  present  exists  in 
them  ;  and  who  so  worthy  to  avail  themselves  ot  those  re 
sources  as  those  who  have  either  in  their  own  persons,  or 
the  persons  of  their  forefathers,  endured  th6  rigor  of  an 
unjust  bondage  lor  tl.e  wealth  and  aggrandizement  .of 
the  whites  ?  (Loud  cheers.)  It  is  well  known  that  a  great 
many  of  the  horrors  of  slavery  take  their  rise  in  the  small- 
ness  of  the  slave  population,  which  induces  the  needy  and 
rapacious  planter  to  overwork  his  Haves,  and  apply  those 
coercive  measures  which  have  proved  so  fatal  to  their  hap 
piness,  elevation  and  existence.  (Hear,  hear.)  A  West 
Indian  gentleman,  now  upon  this  platform,  is  prepared  to 


AT  EXETER  HALL.  179 

show  that  the  more  rational  plan  would  he  to  promote  emi 
gration  from  the  United  States  to  our  Colonies,  and  that 
it  is  the  climax  of  human  absurdity  to  establish  a  Society 
for  colonizing  Africa,  when  years,  ages,  and  centuries 
must  elapse,  ere  we  can  hope  to  find  colored  men  to  give 
operation,  and  effort,  and  accomplishment  to  the  scheme. 
(Hear,  hear.) 

What,  then,  is  it  our  duty  to  do  on  this  occasion  ? 
Why,  to  denounce  the  American  Colonization  Society  as 
the  enemy  to  the  elevation  and  prosperity  of  the  people  of 
color  in  the  United  States — as  the  friend  and  supporter  of 
Slavery.  It  is  our  duty  to  regard  that  Society  as  the  hate 
ful  bantling  of  a  fiend-like  prejudice,  and  boldly  to  tell 
brother  Jonathan  that  if  he  thinks,  by  means  of  an  agent 
with  a  face  of  brass,  to  dupe  us  out  ot  any  more  of  our  mo 
ney,  he  is  mistaken;  that  we  will  speedily  send  his  base 
metal  away,  and  keep  onr  own  precious  coin  for  worthier 
and  nobler  purposes.  (Laughter  and  cheers  ) 

A  preceding  speaker  (Mr.  ABRAHAMS)  has  said  that  the 
principle  of  the  Society  io  '  voluntary  emigration.'  Is  he, 
then,  ignorant  tint  the  honorable  Mr.  Broadnax  of  Virgin 
ia,  rose  in  the  House  of  Delegates  of  that  State,  and  con 
tended  that  force  was  absolutely  necessary  to  the  accom 
plishment  of  their  object;  and  to  talk  of  finding  emigrants 
without  compulsion  was  a  gross  absurdity?  That  this 
meeting  may  be  in  the  possession  of  the  views  entertained 
by  the  people  of  color  upon  this  subject,  I  will  take  the 
liberty  of  quoting  their  own  words  in  various  public  meet 
ings  held  throughout  the  United  States.  In  Philadelphia, 
at  a  meeting  held  January,  1817,  they  thus  speak  : 

'  Resolve;!,  That  we  view  with  deep  abhorrence  the  unmerited  stigma  at 
tempted  to  be  rast  upon  ilic  reputation  of  thnfree  people  of  color,  l>y  the 
promoters  of  this  measure,  "  that  they  arc  a  dangerous  and  u^eleps  part  of 
community*"  when  in  the  state  of  di^frnni'hi.-'ement  in  which  they  live,  in 
the  hour  of  danger  they  ceased  to  remember  their  wrongs,  and  rallied  round 
the  standard  of  their  country.' 

f  Resolved,  That  we  never  will  separate  ourselves  voluntarily  from  the 
slave  population  of  this  country  ;'  (Cheers)' — '  (hev  are  our  brethren  by 
the  ties  »f  consanguinity,  of  suffering*  and  of  wrong  ;  and  we  feel  that  there 
is  more  virtue  in  suHeriiig  privations  with  the.n,  than  in  fancied  advantages 
for  a  season.'  (Cheers.) 

The  free  colored  people  of  New  York  thus  speak  out 
their  sentiments  : 


180  MR.  THOMPSON'S  SPEECH 

'  Resolved,  Thr.t  we  view  the  resolution,  calling  on  the  worshippers  of 
Christ  to  assist  in  the  unholy  crusade  against  the  colored  population  of  this 
country,  as  totally  at  variance  with  true  Christian  principles.' 

{  Resolved,  That  weclairn  this  country,  the  place  of  our  birth,  and  not 
Africa,  as  our  mother  country,  and  all  attempts  to  send  us  to  Africa  we 
consider  gratuitous  and  uncalled  fur.'  (Cheers.) 

Sir,  the  gentleman  who  has  this  day  spoken  in  favor  of 
the  Colonization  Society,  has  more  than  once  called  him 
self  one  of  the  descendants  of  Abraham.  Now,  Sir,  we 
all  know  that  his  brethren  in  this  country  labor  under  many 
and  heavy  disabilities,  and  that  at  this  moment  strenuous 
efforts  are  being  made  in  the  the  House  of  Commons  to 
effect  their  civil  emancipation  ;  efforts,  which  IJiope  and 
trust  may  be  crowned  with  complete  success.  But,  Sir, 
what  would  that  descendant  of  Abraham  think  of  me,  if, 
instead  of  giving  my  voice  and  vote  to  raise  them  to  their 
rightful  station  in  this  the  land  of  their  nativity,  I  were  to 
address  myself  to  his  injured  brethren  and  to  him,  and  say, 
'  You  are  a  dangerous  and  useless  part  of  community — this 
is  not  your  home  or  country — away  to  the  deserts  of  Arabia, 
or  the  mountains  of  Palestine — there,  in  the  land  of  your 
ancestors,  be  free  and  happy — or  pine  and  perish,  for  you 
shall  not  pollute  these  shores  ,' — and  then,  were  to  come 
forward,  and  claim  the  regard  of  my  countrymen  and  man 
kind  for  having  done  an  act  of  enlightened  justice  and  hu 
manity?  (Loud  cheers.) 

What  are  the  sentiments  of  the  colored  inhabitants  of 
Boston  1  Hear  them  : 

'  Resolved,  That  we  consider  the  land  in  which  we  were  born,  and  in 
which  we  have  been  bred,  our  only  '  true  and  appropiate  home' — and  that 
when  toe  desire  to  remove,  we  will  apprise  the  public  of  the  same  indue 
season.'  (Cheers.) 

I  am  rejoiced,  Sir,  to  find  my  countrymen  respond  so 
warmly  to  sentiments  like  these.  Such  language  as  I  have 
read,  is  the  true  and  natural  language  of  reason,  patriotism 
and  independence ;  and  he  who  cannot  approve  such 
language,  is  a  being  who  loves  liberty  only  as  the  instru 
ment  of  tyranny,  and  deserves  to  lose  the  blessing  which 
his  selfishness  and  hateful  despotism  will  not  allow  him  to 
share  with  those  around  him.  (Loud  cheers.) 


AT   EXETER  HALL.  181 

What  say  the  inhabitants  of  New-Haven  ? 

<  Resolved,  That  we  will  resist  all  attempts  made  for  our  removal  to  the 
torrid  shores  of  Africa,  and  will  sooner  suffer  every  drop  of  blood  to  be  ta 
ken  from  our  veins  than  submit  to  such  unrighteous  treatment.'  '(Cheers.) 

«  Resolved,  That  we  know  of  no  other  place  t<hat  we  can  call  our  tru« 
and  appropriate  home  excepting  these  United  States,  into  which  our  fathers 
were  brought,  who  enriched  the  country  by  their  toils,  and  fought,  bled  and 
died  in  its  defence,  and  left  us  in  its  possession — and  here  we  will  live  and 
die.'  (Cheers ) 

The  removal  of  these  colored  persons  has,  however, 
been  justified  this  day  by  our  friend,  the  descendant  of 
Abraham,  on  the  ground  that  they  are  sent  as  missionaries 
to  a  land  of  heathen  darkness,  that  they  may  spread  the 
light  and  sanctity  of  our  divine  Christianity.  But  is  it  the 
fact  that  the  Colonization  Society  is  in  the  habit  of 
transporting  missionaries  by  ship  loads  to  Africa  ?  A  let 
ter  from  J.  MECHLIN,  Esq.,  Governor  of  Liberia,  to  the 
Ilev.  R.  R.  GrjRLfiY,  Secretary  to  the  American  Coloniza 
tion  Society,  will  illustrate  this  part  of  the  subject.  I  ex 
tracted  it  from  No.  94  of  the  African  Repository,  Vol.  S, 
for  December,  1832.  The  Letter  is  dated  LIBERIA,  Sep 
tember,  1832. 

'  With  respect  to  the  character  of  the  people  composing  this  expedition,* 
I  regret  to  be  compelled  to  state,  that  they  are,  with  the  exception  of  those 
from  Washington,  the  family  of  Pages  and  a  few  others,  the  lowest  and 
most  abandoned  of  their  class,  fr  rom  such  materials  it  is  vain  to  expect 
that  an  industrious,  intelligent  and  enterprising  community,  can  po.-sibly  be 
formed  ;  the  thing  is  utterly  impossible  t  and  they  cannot  but  retard  in 
stead  of  advancing  the  prosperity  of  the  colony.  I  have  noticed  this  sub 
ject  in  one  of  my  former  communications,  and  nothing  but  a  thorough  con 
viction  that  such  an  influx  of  vagrants  cannot  fail  of  blast  ing  the  hopes  which 
our  friends  have  so  long  and  so  ardently  cherished,  could  have  induced  me 
again  to  advert  to  it. 

Iain  induced  to  be  thus  unreserved  in  my  remarks,  as  it  is  from  the  suf 
ferings  of  people  of  this  stamp,  occasioned  by  their  own  indolence  and  stu 
pidity,  that  the  slanderous  reports  published  in  the  Liberator  have  originated  ; 
they  h;x\c  never,  when  in  the  United  States,  voluntarily  labored  for  their 
own  support,  and  now,  when  the  stimulus  of  the  overseer's  la.*h  is  remov 
ed,  cannot  be  induced  to  exert  themselves  sufficiently  to  procure  even  a 
scanty  subsistence.  Indeed,  so  far  from  there  being  any  real  grounds  for 
the  assertions  of  our  enemies,  I  am  at  this  moment  issuing  rations  to  at  least 
one  hundred  persons,  whose  six  months  have  expired.  Some  of  these  have 
been  prevented  by  sickness  from  attending  to  their  farm;  the  crops  of 
others  are  not  sufficiently  advanced  to  afford  them  a  subsistence  ;  but  by 
fur  the  greater  number  are  women  and  children,  who  have  been  sent  out 
without  any  male  person  to  provide  for  them;  and  being  unable  to  gain  a 

*  Viz  :  128  emigrants  in  the  brig  America,  15th  of  September,  1832. 

16 


MR.  THOMPSONS  SPEECH 

livelihood  hy  tilling  the  soil  or  any  other  occupation,  have  become  a  burthen 
to  the  Agency.  Many  in  the  present  expedition  are  similarly  circumstanced, 
and  what  to  do  with  them  I  know  not.  Our  respectable  colonists  them 
selves  are  becoming  alarmed  at  the  great  number  of  ignorant  and  abandon 
ed  characters  that  have  arrived  within  the  last  twelve  months;  and  almost 
daily  representations  are  made  by  those  who  have  applied  themselves  to  the 
Cultivation  of  the  soil,  of  the  depredations  committed  on  their  crops  by  the 
above  described  class  of  people,  who  cannot  be  induced  to  labor  for  their 
ovvu  support.' 

Now,  Sir,  much  has  been  said,  both  here  and  elsewhere, 
of  the  vast  number  of  intelligent,  enterprising  and  religious 
persons  of  color  willing  to  go  to  Liberia  ;  and  it  has,  with 
equal  confidence,  been  asserted  that  funds  only  were  want 
ing  to  enable  the  managers  of  the  American  Colonization 
Society  to  make  a  selection   of  persons  fully  qualified  to 
enter,    with   every  prospect   of    success,    upon    the  great 
work   of  civilizing  and  evangelizing  Africa.     It   appears 
that  during  the  years  1831  and  1832,  efforts  were  made  to 
ship  off  a  more  than  ordinary  number  of  emigrants,  and 
that   the  object  was   accomplished.     But,  Sir,   were   the 
persons  so  sent,  such  as  have  been  all  along  described    as 
willing  to  go?     Do    they   answer  the  description    this  day 
given  of  those  missionary   colonists,  who  are  to  prove  such 
a  blessing  to  Africa?     No.     The  Governor  describes  them 
as  *  the  lowest  and  most  abandoned  of  their  class  ' — an  '  in 
flux  of  vagrants' — '  indolent  and  stupid' — '  the  greater  num 
ber  women   and  children,  without  any  male  person  to  pro 
vide  for  them.'     He  declares  that  '  the  colonists  are  alarm 
ed  at  the  great  number  of  ignorant  and  abandoned  char 
acters  that  have  arrived  within  the  last  twelve  months  ' — 
and  speaks  of  daily  depredations'  committed  by  such  per 
sons  upon  the   crops  of  the  industrious.     Now,  Sir,  what 
iathe  plain  inference  from  these  authoritative  statements? 
It  is  one  of  the  following — either  that    there  is  no  large 
portion  of  intelligent  and  religious  persons  of  color  to  go, 
and  that,  therefore,  the  representations  given  upon  that  sub 
ject  are  false — or  that  the  managers  and  auxiliaries  of  this 
Society  cannot  discriminate  between  the  good  and  the  bad  ; 
between  those    who  are    likely  to  'retard   the  interests  of 
the  Colony,'    and   those    who    are   qualified   to  '  advance 
them' — or,  that    they  have  wickedly  and  wilfully  poured 
upon  the  infant  colony  a  flood  of  moral  corruption,  threat 
ening  its  very  existence,,  as  an  industrious  and  well  con- 


AT  EXETER  HAALL.  183 

ducted  settlement.  I  leave  the  defenders  of  the  Coloni 
zation  scheme  to  choose  between  these  natural  and  neces 
sary  conclusions  from  the  accounts  of  their  Governor,  and 
their  own  authorized  statements.  (Loud  cheers.)  Again, 
Sir  ;  the  Editor  of  the  African  Repository,  in  introducing 
Governor  Mechlin's  letter,  observes,  respecting  the  expedi 
tion  of  the  American  : — '  We  regret  to  learn  that,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  colonial  agent,  they  are  little  qualified  to  add 
strength  and  character  to  the  Colony ;  but/  he  adds, 
'  those  who  are  now  to  embark  are  among  the  best  of 
our  colored  population.'  Now,  Sir,  admitting  that  the 
next  ship-load  be  of  this  description,  I  contend  that  both 
in  principle  and  policy,  such  a  line  of  conduct  is  bad.  If 
they  really  be  among  'the  best  of  the  colored  population,' 
why  are  they,  by  oppression  and  unjust  treatment,  made 
willing  to  go?  Why  are  they  not  encouraged  and  made 
happy  on  their  native  soil  ?  As  a  course  of  policy,  such  a 
proceeding  is  monstrous.  Why  send  the  salt  away  1  Is 
it  because  they  desire  to  keep  an  unmixed  mass  of  putrid 
ity  at  home?  Cannot  these  '  best'  portions  of  their  colored 
population  be  beneficially  employed  at  home?  Ought  they 
not  to  ho  employed  ?  But  the  language  of  their  actions  is 
this — '  We  seek  not  the  elevation  of  the  blacks  at  home. 
We  care  not  a  rush  for  the  improvement  of  our  two  mil 
lions  of  slaves  amongst  us — we  rather  wish  that  they 
should  remain  wretched  and  debased,  that  we  may  the 
more  securely  rivet  upon  them  the  chain  of  a  soul-degrad 
ing,  man-dishonoring,  God-defying  despotism.  Show  us 
an  illuminated  negro,  and  away  he  goes  to  Liberia  I— 
Show  us  the  sublime  and  noble  sight  of  a  black  man  strug 
gling  into  political  existence,  and  away  he  goes  to  bless 
Liberia.  Show  us  the  spectacle  of  one  who  looks  around 
upon  his  colored  brethren  in  bonds,  with  a  burning  desire 
to  be  their  liberator,  and  away  with  him  to  the  regions  of 
Liberia  !  This  is  not  the  land  for  illuminated  minds,  un 
less  they  tenant  white  bodies.  This  is  not  the  land  for 
struggles  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  unless  it  be  liberty  for 
the  whites.  This  is  not  the  land  for  burning  desires,  and 
pantings  after  deeds  of  deathless  fame,  unless  felt  and 
performed  by  white  skinned  men.  Away  with  .nil  such 
colored  men  to  Africa  !  There  let  them  burn,  and  shine, 
and  struggle,  and  contend  ;  for  here  they  shall  have  no 


184  MR.  THOMPSON'S  SPEECH 

abiding  city.  We  will  cast  into  their  cup  the  bitterness  of 
scorn  and  persecution,  and  calumny  and  reproach,  until 
nature  recoils  at  the  gaily  draught,  and  they  cry  in  the  an 
guish  of  their  spirits — '  We  arc  willing  to  go  to  Liberia!' 

The  Colonization  Society  of  America  has  been  describ 
ed,  by  its  Agent  in  this  country,  as  an  abolition  Society, 
and  the  people  of  America  have  been  described  as  general 
ly  friendly  to  the  extinction  of  slavery.  Let  us  see  how 
far  they  prove  the  Agent's  assertions.  Do  their  documents 
confirm  such  a  statement  1  No  !  They  utterly  deny  its 
truth,  and  declare  that  slave  property  is  held  by  a  Coloni- 
zationist  to  be  as  sacred  as  any  other  description  of  property. 
Do  they  show  their  hatred  of  slavery  by  countenancing  the 
New-England  Anti-Slavery  Society  ?  Do  they  encourage 
and  speak  well  of  its  managers  and  agents  ?  No !  They 
are  striving,  by  every  possible  engine  which  malice  can 
devise,  to  crush  that  Society,  because  it  proceeds  upon  the 
Christian  principle,  that  we  should  do  unto  others  as  we 
would  they  should  do  unto  us. 

Again  :  the  Colonizationists  wish  to  exempt  themselves 
from  the  charge  of  having  an  unchristian  prejudice  against 
color,  whilst  they  justify  their  proceedings,  by  asserting  the 
existence  of  such  a  prejudice  to  a  very  wide  extent.  Let 
us  see  how  far  they  are  consistent.  For  ask  them,  if  this 
same  prejudice  cannot  be  conquered,  and  they  tell  you, 
'No — it  possesses  nineteen-twentieths  of  the  inhabitants.' 
You  ask  them,  who  are  the  friends  of  the  Colonization  So 
ciety  ?  and  they  tell  you  '  Nineteen-twentieths  of  the  inhab 
itants.'  (Cheers.)  I  leave  their  friend  here  to  extricate 
them  from  the  charge  of  being  themselves  the  fosterers  of 
that  diabolical  prejudice  in  which  has  originated,  and  by 
which  is  perpetuated,  the  degradation  of  the  colored  popu 
lation.  (Loud  cheers.) 

Permit  me,  Sir,  briefly  to  refer  to  a  portion  of  a  very 
eloquent  speech  delivered  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  HAMMET,  at 
the  American  Colonization  Society's  16th  annual  meeting  : 
a  quotation  which  I  think  will  throw  considerable  light 
upon  the  views  of  the  principal  supporters  of  that  So 
ciety.  Mark  what  he  says  of  the  prejudice  which  ex 
ists,  and  of  the  consequent  condition  of  the  people  of 


AT  EXETER    HALL.  185 

*  The  evil  which  this  Society  proposes  to  remedy  has  already  spread  to 
a  fearful  extent,  and  is  becoming  more  and  more  alarming  every  day.     That 
class   of  the  community  to  whom  it  affords   succor,  though  nominally  free, 
can  in  fact  never  be  so  in  this  country.     A  gloom  hangs  over  them  through 
which  they  can  never  hope  to  penetrate,  ami  they  groan  under  a  weight  of 
prejudice,  from  which  they  can  never  expect  to  ri^e.' 

'Indeed,  Mr.  Hammet!  We  thank  you  for  your  honest 
truth.  '  Nominally  Tree.'  Must  not  l  expect' ur  '  h ope  to 
rise.'  Base,  hypocritical,  republican  America,  to  trample 
on  your  boasted  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  wrap 
in  impenetrable  gloom  the  spirit  of  the  man,  you  have  de 
clared  to  be  equally  entitled  with  yourself  to  liberty  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness!  Speaking  of  the  patronage  the 
Society  enjoys,  he  says  : 

*  In  almost  every  State  of  this  Union,  the  great  body  of  the  people  arc 
awakening  to  a  sense  of  ihe  vast  importance  <>f  this  tmdeitakmg,'&c.  &c. — 
'and,   Sir,  the   whole  religious  community  of  this  widely  extended  republic 
have  declared  it   worthy  their   confidence,  and  have  resolved,  in  their  so 
lemn  assemblies,  to  give  it  their  support.' 

Had  I  been  present,  I  would  have  asked  this  Rev.  Col- 
onizationist,  whether  the  whole  religious  community  might 
not  be  better  employed  in  praying  to  be  divested  of  their 
prejudice,  and  in  seeking  to  uproot  it  from  American  so 
ciety  ?  I  would  have  asked  him,  if  he  had  not  himself 
proved  that  the  'gloom,'  and  'weight,'  and  'prejudice,' 
and  '  nominal  freedom,'  under  all  of  which  the  people  of 
color  groan  and  despair,  were  attributable  to  the  whole  re 
ligious  community,  thus  found  patronizing  the  Coloniza 
tion  Society  ?  He  further  says  : — '  No  individual  effort,  no 
system  , of  legislation,  can  in  this  country  redeem  them 
from  this  condition,  nor  raise  them  to  the  level  of  the  white 
man.  It  is  utterly  vain  to  expect  it,'  &c. 

Again — «  AT  HOME  AMONGST  us,  scarcely  to  be  con 
trolled  by  law,  or  elevated  by  religion.'  (! ! ! !)  Monstrous 
assertion!  and  impudent  as  monstrous!  and  impious  as  it 
is  impudent !  How  could  the  speaker  utter  a  sentiment  so 
disgraceful  to  his  country,  and  so  libellous  upon  his  faith, 
without  a  burning  cheek  and  a  faltering  tongue  ?  '  At 
home  amongst  us.'  Do  not  these  words  brand,  as  hypo 
critical  and  base,  all  the  professions  of  piety  and  philan- 
throphy  made  by  the  persecuting  members  of  the  Coloni 
zation  Society  1  Not  only  do  they  confess  their  own  de 
termination  to  cherish  this  hellish  feeling — not  only  do 

16* 


186  MR.  THOMPSON'S  SPEECH 

they  deny  the  power  of  legislation  to  help  these  people, 
but  actually  deny  the  power  of  religion  U  fit  them  for  the 
privileges  of  freemen.  (Hear,  hear.) 

Mr.  ABRAHAMS. — I  deny  that  it  is  beyond  the  power  of 
religion  to  do  it. 

Mr.  THOMPSON.: — Sir,  you  do  well  to  acquit  yourself  of 
any  participation  in  this  blasphemous  calumny  ;  but  re 
member  that  Mr.  Hammet  said  so  in  defence  of  the  Colo 
nization  Society  ;  therefore,  strike  him  off  the  list  of  your 
friends.  (Cheers.)  And  know,  also,  that  the  sentiment 
was  uttered  with  applause  in  a  very  large  and  crowded 
meeting  of  the  friends  of  the  Society  ;  therefore,  strike  them 
off  your  list  of  friends.  (Cheers.)  And  know,  still  furth 
er,  that  20,000  copies  of  this  speech  have  been  circulated 
by  that  Society,  and  still  remains  uncontradicted  by  any 
friend  of  the  Society  but  yourself;  therefore,  free  yourself 
at  once  from  the  unholy  confederacy,  and  enrol  your  name 
amonst  the  friends  of  universal  liberty.  (Loud  cheers.) 
But  although  Mr.  Hammet  denies  that  they  can  rise  in 
their  native  country,  he  maintains  that  it  is  only  necessa 
ry  that  they  should  be  sent  to  Africa,  to  become  every  thing 
that  is  noble  and  useful,  Aladdin's  lamp  has  been  spoken 
of  to-day  ;  but,  in  my  opinion,  the  change  effected  upon 
the  characters  of  these  colored  people,  by  a  voyage  to 
Africa,  is  even  more  wonderful  than  the  exploits  of  this 
Hero  of  Arabian  romance.  Nothing  is  necessary  but  that 
these  '  pests  of  society/  these  *  nuisances/  should  be  plac 
ed  on  board  a  Colonisation  packet,  and,  'presto!'  they 
become  artizans,  statesmen,  philosophers  and- Christians. 
(Loud  applause.) 

'Transported  to  Africa/  say«  Oie  Rev.  Mr.  Hammet,  *  we  there  LehoM 
*  class  of  beings  who,  at  home  amongst  us,  could  scarcely  he  controlled  by 
law  or  elevated  by  religion,  fnuldenly  springing  info  honorable  notice  ;  cul 
tivating  among  themselves  all  the  aitd  of  civilized  life,  and  securing  to  their 
families  all  the  blessings  of  well  ordered  society.  Every  day's  intelligence 
only  reiterates  what  we  have  heard  from  the  beginning— that  rcacehaimo- 
ny  and  contentment  are  abounding.* 

Then  all  the  elements  of  civilization,  all  the  elements  of 
harmony,  all  the  elements  of  contentment,  every  thing  that 
lifts  man  from  a  state  of  degradation,  must  be  shipped  off 
from  America  ;  for  there  these  elements  are  at  war  with 
peace  and  contentment,  and  produce  wretchedness  ;  and 


AT  EXETER  HALL  187 

the  native  intellectual  greatness  which  raises  the  man  in 
in  Liberia,  sinks  him  to  the  condition  of  a  brute  in  the 
first  republic  of  the  world.  (Loud  applause.) 

'  Schools  are  established,'  continues  the  Rev.  gentleman,  (but  are  there 
none  in  America  1)  'churches  are  erected,  the  mechanic  arts  are  cultivated, 
Agriculture  is  promoted,  and  commerce  even  with  foreign  nations  lias  already 
been  embarked  in;  ar.d  by  whom,  Sir  1  By  a  class  of  beings  who,  while 
here,  hung  a  dead  weight  upon  the  skirts  of  the  country.  Sir,  with  the  sub 
limity  and  grandeur  of  the  spectacle  and  prospect  before  us,  calculation  it 
self  can  hardly  keep  pace.'  (Laughter  and  cheers.) 

If  ever  there  was  a  piece  of  self-contradiction,  it  is 
this  extract .;  if  ever  there  was  a  man  who  belied  re 
ligion,  who  belied  human  nature,  who  made  transcend- 
ant  capabilities  a  reason  for  banishing  men  from  their 
native  land,  Mr.  Ham  met  has  been  guilty  of  it  in  the 
passage  1  have  read.  (Cheers.)  But  can  these  free 
people  of  color  be  elevated  by  religion?  At  Liberia, 
the  Rev.  gentleman  adds,  '  the  Christian,  too,  has  much  to 
animate  his  hopes  and  stimulate  his  zeal.'  In  America, 
they  contend  that  religion  has  not  this  elevating  power  ; 
but  here,  in  Liberia,  '  the  Christian  has  much  to  animate 
his  hopes  and  stimulate  his  zeal.'  An  immense  field,  '  al 
ready  white  to  the  harvest,'  opens  before  him.  The  mis 
sionary  of  the  cross  shall  enter  there,  bearing  to  perish 
ing  thousands  the  '  Bread  of  Life.'  O,  what  cant  and  hy 
pocrisy  is  this  !  What  an  insult  to  the  religion  that  he 
was  lauding.  He  was  obliged  to  contend,  at  one  moment, 
that  it  could  not  help  the  black  man  among  his  white, 
christianized,  high  professing  brethren  of  America  ;  but  in 
the  wilds  of  Africa,  amidst  beasts  and  savages,  it  could 
make  him  a  man,  a  philosopher,  and  a  Christian.  (Loud 
cheers.) 

'Africa  will  receive  him  ;  dun cbe.s  will  be  reared;  presses  will  be  estab 
lished;  the  scriptures  shull  be  circulated;  and  the  da  ik  ness  of  ages,  retiring 
like  the  shades  of  night  at  the  approach  of  the  morning  sun,  shall  l;e  finally 
scattered  l>y  the  efiulgent  blaze  of  divine  truth.  Yes,  Sir,  (thus  ends  his 
speech,)  'superstition  shall  be  broken  down,  false  |  hilcsophy  shall  be  con 
founded,  heathen  oracles  shall  be  struck  dumb.  "The  altar  and  the  god 
thallsmk  io«ether  to  the  dust"  and  Africashall  ccme  forth,  "  redeemed ,  re 
generated  and  disenthralled." ' 

Yes,  and  when  Africa  shall  thus  arise  in  might  and  ma 
jesty  ;  when  Christianity  shall  have  made  her  all  that  is 
noble  ;  even  then  she  shall  say,  '  The  prejudice  that  sent 
forth  the  missionaries  to  our  country  was  cruel,  anti-chris- 
tian,  inhuman  and  diabolical.'  (Loud  cheers.) 


188 

What  are  you  called  for  together  to-day  ?  To  counten 
ance  WILLIAM  LLOYD  GARRISON,  the  dauntless,  the  talent 
ed,  the  uncompromising,  the  pledged,  the  devoted  friend 
of  the  free  persons  of  color  and  of  slaves  in  the  United 
States.  Let  others,  with  their  narrow  views,  frown  in  the 
cruelty  of  their  scorn  upon  a  meeting  like  this  ;  but  be  it 
yours  to  welcome,  from  the  regions  of  America,  WILLIAM 
LLOYD  GARRISON,  who  is  fighting  the  same  battle  as 
yourselves.  Be  it  yours  to  cheer  his  heart  ;  be  it  yours  to 
countenance  his  efforts  ;  be  it  yours  to  send  him  back  for 
tified  with  your  blessings  and  your  prayers  ;  be  it  yours  to 
hold  up  his  hand  amidst  these  convicted  flesh-mongers 
and  kidnappers  of  their  species.  (Cheers.) 

Mr.  GARRISON  has  happily  succeed  in  establishing,  with 
no  small  pains,  with  no  small  sacrifice,  an  Anti-Slavery 
Society  in  Boston.  What  are  the  motives  of  the  Socie 
ty  he  has  established?  My  resolution  coines  to  these, 
and  therefore  I  will  take  the  liberty  of  troubling  you  with 
them.  The  whole  affair  is  almost  new  to  a  British  audience 
and  therefore  I  will  just  lay  before  you,  in  two  or  three 
sentences,  the  motives  of  the  New-England  Anti-Slavery 
Society,  as  avowed  in  their  First  Annual  Report. 

Their  motives  '  are  not  motives  of  hostility  to  the  inter 
ests  or  the  persons  of  slave-owners.'  Then  they  go  on  to  say 
that  their  desire  is  to  do  good  to  the  slave-owner  as  well 
as  the  black  ;  whilst  they  expose  the  injustice  of  one  man 
holding  property  in  another.  Their  motives  in  the  second 
place,  are  not  those  of  a  party  character  ;  they  are  asso 
ciated  together  'to  maintain,  not  to  destroy  the  Union, 
by  endeavoring  to  remove  the  cause  of  division.'  Their 
motive,  in  the  third  place,  is  '  to  tolerate  no  compromise 
of  principle.'  There  is  no  truckling  to  narrow-sighted  ex 
pediency  ;  no  attempt  to  empty  the  ocean,  by  putting  into 
it  the  buckets  of  Colonization  philanthrophy.  Their  '  de 
mands  upon  the  holders  of  slaves  are  as  imperative  as  those 
of  the  book  of  inspiration  :  to  loose  the  bands  of  wicked- 
nesss,  to  undo  the  heavy  burdens,  and  to  let  the  oppressed 
go  free.  (Cheers.)  *  The  purposes  of  the  New-England 
Anti-Slavery  Society,  as  declared  in  the  second  article  of 
its  Constitution,  are  to  endeavor,  by  all  means  sanctioned 
by  law  humanity  and  religion,  to  effect  the  abolition  of  sla 
very,  to  improve  the  character  and  condition  of  the  free 


AT  EXETER  HALL. 


189 


people  of  color,  inform  and  correct  public  opinion  in  rela 
tion  to  their  situation  and  rights,  and  obtain  for  them  equal 
civil  and  political  rights  and  privileges  with  the  whites.' 

Then,  Sir,  in  another  part  of  this  document,  (the  First 
Annual  Report  of  the  Society,)  they  go  on  to  say  what 
they  mean  by  immediate  abolition.  *  It  means,  in  the  first 
place,  that  all  title  of  property  in  the  slaves  shall  instantly 
cease,  because  their  Creator  has  never  relinquished  his 
claim  of  ownership,  and  because  none  have  a  right  to  sell 
their  own  bodies  or  buy  those  of  their  own  species  as 
cattle. 

'  It  means,  secondly,  that  every  husband  shall  have  his 
own  wife,  and  every  wife  her  own  husband,  both  being 
united  in  wedlock  according  to  its  proper  forms,  and  plac 
ed  under  the  protection  of  law. 

'  It  means,  thirdly,  that  parents  shall  have  the  control 
and  government  of  their  own  children,  and  that  the  child 
ren,  shall  belong  to  their  parents. 

'It  means,  fourthly,  that  all  trade  in  human  beings  shall 
be  regarded  as  felony,  and  entitled  to  the  highest  punish 
ment. 

'  It  means,  fifthly,  that  the  tremendous  power  which  is 
now  vested  in  every  slaveholder  to  punish  his  slaves  with 
out  trial,  and  to  a  savage  extent,  shall  be  at  once  taken 
away. 

'  It  means,  sixthly,  that  all  those  laws  which  now  prohib 
it  the  instruction  of  the  slaves,  shall  instantly  be  repealed, 
and  others  enacted,  providing  schools  and  instruction  for 
their  intellectual  illumination. 

'It  means,  seventhly,  that  the  planters  shall  employ  their 
slaves  as  free  laborers,  and  pay  them  just  wages. 

*  It  means,  eighthly,  that  the  slaves,  instead  of  being 
forced  to  labor  for  the  exclusive  benefit  of  others,  by  cruel 
drivers,  and  the  application  of  the  la?h  upon  their  bodies, 
shall  be  encouraged  to  toil  for  the  mutual  profit  of  them 
selves  arid  their  employers,  by  the  infusion  of  new  motives 
into  their  hearts,  growing  out  of  their  recognition  and  re 
ward  as  men. 

'It  means,  finally,  that  right  shall  take  the  supremacy 
over  wrong,  principle  over  brute  force,  humanity  over 
cruelty,  honesty  over  theft,  purity  over  lust,  honor  over 
baseness,  love  over  hatred,  and  religion  over  heathenism.' 


190  MR.  THOMPSON'S  SPEECH 

Then  the  benefits  are  stated,  which  would  result  from 
the  adoption  of  this  righteous  procedure. 

Having  thus  endeavored  to  show  the  wickedness,  the 
absurdity  of  the  Colonization  Society;  having  in  the  sec 
ond  place  endeavored,  though  feebly,  to  do  justice  to  the 
motives  and  the  conductor  Mr.  GARRISON  ;  having  laid  be 
fore  you  the  principles  of  the  Society  which  he  has  had 
the  honor  to  found  ;  I  have  now  to  move  a  resolution,  which 
will  claim  your  sympathy  on  behalf  of  this  gentleman,  and 
which  will  go  to  foster  and  cherish  the  Society  with  which 
he  is  connected.  The  resolution  is  as  follow  : 

«  Resolved,  That  the  colored  people  of  the  United  States,  fully  aware  that 
the  object  of  the  American  Colonization  Society  is  not  their  improvement 
ami  happiness,  have  declared  their  detestation  of  it  in  the  most  solemn  and 
public  manner; — that  that  oppressed  people  have  our  heart-felt  sympathy ; — 
and  that  the  principles  and  efforts  of  their  advocates,  the  Anti-Slavery  So 
ciety  of  New-England,  have  our  cordial  approbation.' 

I  trust  that  this  resolution  will  pass  unanimously.  I 
know  that  all  opposition  will  be  fruitless  and  contemptible. 
I  know  that  it  will  but  elicit  your  disgust — though  disgust  is 
sometimes  more  acceptable  to  certain  persons  than  no  no 
tice  at  all  ;  but,  at  all  events,  I  know  that  I  shall  have  a 
large  majority  in  favor  of  the  resolution.  If  there  be  any 
one  present  who  does  not  approve  of  it,  let  him  move  an 
amendment.  (Long  and  continued  cheering.) 

The  resolution  was  carried  unanimously. 


DAY  USE 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 
Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


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